The Indian Analyst
 

North Indian Inscriptions

 

 

Contents

Introduction

Contents

Preface

List of Plates

Abbreviations

Additions and Corrections

Images

Introduction

Political History

Administration

Social History

Religious History

Literary History

Gupta Era

Krita Era

Texts and Translations

The Gupta Inscriptions

Index

Other South-Indian Inscriptions 

Volume 1

Volume 2

Volume 3

Vol. 4 - 8

Volume 9

Volume 10

Volume 11

Volume 12

Volume 13

Volume 14

Volume 15

Volume 16

Volume 17

Volume 18

Volume 19

Volume 20

Volume 22
Part 1

Volume 22
Part 2

Volume 23

Volume 24

Volume 26

Volume 27

Tiruvarur

Darasuram

Konerirajapuram

Tanjavur

Annual Reports 1935-1944

Annual Reports 1945- 1947

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 2, Part 2

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 7, Part 3

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 1

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 2

Epigraphica Indica

Epigraphia Indica Volume 3

Epigraphia
Indica Volume 4

Epigraphia Indica Volume 6

Epigraphia Indica Volume 7

Epigraphia Indica Volume 8

Epigraphia Indica Volume 27

Epigraphia Indica Volume 29

Epigraphia Indica Volume 30

Epigraphia Indica Volume 31

Epigraphia Indica Volume 32

Paramaras Volume 7, Part 2

Śilāhāras Volume 6, Part 2

Vākāṭakas Volume 5

Early Gupta Inscriptions

Archaeological Links

Archaeological-Survey of India

Pudukkottai

THE GUPTA SYSTEM OF ADMINISTRATION

office he could appoint anybody—a Kumārāmātya, Āyuktaka or Vishayapati. Here the wording is not tat-pāda-parigṛihīta but tan-niyuktaka.

        What the district subdivision in the Gupta period was it is very difficult to determine. The Nandapur plate,1 speaks of the village Khaṭāpūraṇa as being included in the Nanda vīthi. Vīthi originally signifies ‘a road’, ‘a row’ or ‘a market’, but here it denotes a “district subdivision.” And in this particular case it seems that the subdivision was called Nanda vīthi after Nandapur, the place where the plate was found. We have further to note another expression which occurs in the Pahāḍpur grant.2 Here land is granted from various villages which are said to be contained in the Dakshiṇāṁśa vīthi and the Nāgiraṭṭa maṇḍala. The question arises: which of these terms, vīthi and maṇḍala, denotes a more extensive territory? This may be compared to the phraseology occurring in the Nālandā plate3 of Dēvapāla and the Naihāṭi plate4 of Ballālasēna. In the first we have Śrī-Nagara-bhuktau . . . Gayā-vishay-āntaḥpāti-kumuda-sūtra-vīthi, etc. In the second, we have Śrī-Varddhamāna-bhukty-antaḥpātiny=Uttara-Rāḍhā-maṇḍalē Svalpadakshiṇa-vīthyām. A comparison of the two passages will convince anybody that the terms vishaya and maṇḍala have been used synonymously and in the sense of a ‘district’, and vīthī in the sense of a ‘subdivision.’

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       The Gupta empire, vast as it was, must have been divided into a number of bhuktis and vishayas. Of these, the Puṇḍravardhana bhukti and Kōṭivarsha vishaya have become well-known from the Dāmōdarpur plates. Then we have seen that one Śarvanāga was the Vishayapati of Antarvēdī or District surrounding Kanauj. Unfortunately the name of the bhukti has not been specified. Then the Ēraṇ pillar inscription of Budhagupta, dated Gupta year 165 (No. 39 below) describes one Suraśmichandra as governing the territory intervening between the Kālindī and the Narmadā as Lōkapāla, that is, Viceroy. With his name has been coupled the title Mahārāja, and what is further noteworthy about this inscription is that it mentions another Mahārāja called Mātṛivishṇu, who, although he belonged to a holy Brāhmaṇa family, “was married by Sovereignty, as if by a maiden choosing herself (her own husband)” (svayaṁ-varay=ēva rājalakshmy=ādhigata). This means that Mātṛivishṇu was the first of his family who raised himself to power. As he has been also styled Mahārāja, he appears to have been a local chieftain. But in no way does it appear that he was Vishayapati of Airikiṇa (Ēraṇ). In fact, Airikiṇa vishaya has been mentioned in another Ēraṇ inscription5 which is of a somewhat later time and which refers itself to the first regnal year of Tōramāṇa. When this epigraph was engraved, Mātṛivishṇu had passed away; and the object of it was to record the erection, by his younger brother Dhanyavishṇu, of a shrine over the image of the Boar on whose chest it was incised. In both the records Dhanyavishṇu has been mentioned and is described not only as tad-anuvidhāyin, “obedient to him,” but also as tat-prasāda-parigṛihīta, “encircled by his favours.” Lastly, we have to take note of Parṇadatta in whose time the dam of the Sudarśana Lake was rebuilt, as the Junāgaḍh inscription of Skandagupta (No. 28 below) informs us. It was this Gupta monarch, who, we are told, appointed him the protector (gōptṛi) of the whole Surāshṭra, by which we have to understand that he was the governor of Kāṭhiāwāḍ. And, further, we have to note that Parṇadatta put his son Chakrapālita, in charge of the protection of the city where the inscription is found. In other words, to borrow the language of the Dāmōdarpur plates, he was appointed the Head of the Town Administrative Board of Girinagara by the Uparika of Surāshṭra, who was doubtless his father.
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1 Ep. Ind., Vol. XXIII, pp. 52 ff.
2 Ibid., Vol. XX, pp. 61 ff.
3 Ibid., Vol. XVII, pp. 318 ff.
4 Inscrs. of Bengal, Vol. III, p. 74, lines 37-38.
5 CII., Vol. III, 1888, pp. 159 ff

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