The Indian Analyst
 

North Indian Inscriptions

 

 

Contents

Introduction

Contents

Preface

List of Plates

Abbreviations

Additions and Corrections

Images

Introduction

Political History

Administration

Social History

Religious History

Literary History

Gupta Era

Krita Era

Texts and Translations

The Gupta Inscriptions

Index

Other South-Indian Inscriptions 

Volume 1

Volume 2

Volume 3

Vol. 4 - 8

Volume 9

Volume 10

Volume 11

Volume 12

Volume 13

Volume 14

Volume 15

Volume 16

Volume 17

Volume 18

Volume 19

Volume 20

Volume 22
Part 1

Volume 22
Part 2

Volume 23

Volume 24

Volume 26

Volume 27

Tiruvarur

Darasuram

Konerirajapuram

Tanjavur

Annual Reports 1935-1944

Annual Reports 1945- 1947

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 2, Part 2

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 7, Part 3

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 1

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 2

Epigraphica Indica

Epigraphia Indica Volume 3

Epigraphia
Indica Volume 4

Epigraphia Indica Volume 6

Epigraphia Indica Volume 7

Epigraphia Indica Volume 8

Epigraphia Indica Volume 27

Epigraphia Indica Volume 29

Epigraphia Indica Volume 30

Epigraphia Indica Volume 31

Epigraphia Indica Volume 32

Paramaras Volume 7, Part 2

Śilāhāras Volume 6, Part 2

Vākāṭakas Volume 5

Early Gupta Inscriptions

Archaeological Links

Archaeological-Survey of India

Pudukkottai

THE KṚITA ERA

be taken to mean simply “in accordance with the mode of reckoning of the Mālavas.” Gaṇa here cannot but mean gaṇanā, for which we have the authority of the Śabdārṇavakōśa, as shown above. The word gaṇa here cannot, thus, signify a tribal oligarchy, and it is not, therefore, at all reasonable to infer that Mālava-gaṇa in these expressions stands for the Mālava oligarchy and that this tribal oligarchy was somehow responsible for the origination of Kṛita years. In course of time, the meaning of Mālava-gaṇa-sthiti was forgotten. Even when Kielhorn first pointed out the correct sense of this phrase, he left it doubtful whether the Mālavas spoken of here were the people of Mālava or the rulers of that country.1 But the word āmnāta in the phrase Mālava-gaṇ-āmnātē leaves no doubt as to these Mālavas being the people of Mālava. Nevertheless, as time passed, the term Mālava was gradually understood in the sense of “the rulers of the Mālava country.” The earliest example of this change is that supplied by the Mandasōr stone inscription2 of Prabhākara, which, in point of date, is between the Mandasōr record (No. 35 below) of Kumāragupta and Bandhuvarman dated 493 and employing the phraseology Mālavānāṁ gaṇa-sthityā and the Mandasōr epigraph3 of Yaśōdharman-Vishṇuvardhana dated 589 and using the expression Mālava-gaṇa-sthiti-vaśāt. The inscription of Prabhākara, as we have seen above, sets forth its date as follows: “when, in course (of time), there had elapsed a number of years, viȥ., five centuries increased by eight multiplied by three (i.e., 524), indicative of the fame of the Mālava lineage (vaṁśa) . . .” This means that the Vikrama era originated with some Mālava dynasty. It is, no doubt, possible to argue that vaṁśa of this record is somehow connected with gaṇa of the other Mandasōr inscriptions. But, this argument cannot hold water. Because, gaṇa denotes a tribal oligarchy, whereas vaṁśa signifies a royal family.
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Besides, the word vaśāt in the phrase Mālava-gaṇa-sthiti-vaṡāt clearly shows that gaṇa can here mean neither ‘a tribal oligarchy’ nor ‘a royal family.’ It can mean gaṇanā, ‘computation’, as Kielhorn has rightly remarked; and we have an authority in support of this equation, as we have pointed out. Besides, if this era had been founded by a member of a royal family of Mālava, the phrase Mālava-kāla would have been prevalent much earlier than Vikrama year 943, the date of the Gyārāspur inscription, wherein it occurs for the first time. Besides, the name current for this era before Vikrama year 589 was Kṛita, as is quite clear from the Mandasōr inscription of Naravarman. There, the term saṁjñita ‘named’ occurs, and what is further noteworthy is that Kṛita is not the name of an era so much as the years of that era. So, what we have to notice here is that between Vikrama years 493 and 589 a double change was coming over the nomenclature of this era. It was, on the one hand, connected with Mālava-gaṇa-sthiti, “the mode of reckoning of the Mālavas” which is quite reasonable and, on the other, with the Mālava-vaṁṡa, ‘the Mālava lineage’, which is somewhat curious. The latter idea was gradually gaining ground over the former. It, however, took more than two centuries and a half for it to develop into a full-fledged tradition. Thus, the Kaṇaswā inscription4 of Śivagaṇa sets forth its date as follows: Saṁvatsara-ṡatair=yātaiḥ sa-paṁchanavaty-arggalaiḥ saptabhir=mMālav-ēṡānāṁ, “when seven hundred, joined with ninety-five years, of the Mālava lords had gone by.” Lastly, the Mēnālgaḍh inscription5 has Mālavēṡa-gata-vatsara-ṡataiḥ dvādaṡaiṡ =cha shaṭviṁṡa-pūrvakaiḥ, “when 1226 years had gone by since the Mālava lord.” This places a second tradition before us. The years of this era did not pertain to any originated by the Mālava family or the Mālava kings but rather reckoned from the event of the death of some Mālava king. The same traditions prevailed in later times under a different form. This Mālava king, the people identified with Vikrama or Vikram-
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1 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 57.
2 D. R. Bhandarkar, A List of the Inscriptions of Northern India, etc., No. 7.
3 CII., Vol. III, 1888, No. 35.
4 Ind. Ant., Vol. XIX, p. 57 and Plate.
5 JASB., Vol. LV, part I, p. 46.

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