The Indian Analyst
 

North Indian Inscriptions

 

 

Contents

Introduction

Contents

Preface

List of Plates

Abbreviations

Additions and Corrections

Images

Introduction

Political History

Administration

Social History

Religious History

Literary History

Gupta Era

Krita Era

Texts and Translations

The Gupta Inscriptions

Index

Other South-Indian Inscriptions 

Volume 1

Volume 2

Volume 3

Vol. 4 - 8

Volume 9

Volume 10

Volume 11

Volume 12

Volume 13

Volume 14

Volume 15

Volume 16

Volume 17

Volume 18

Volume 19

Volume 20

Volume 22
Part 1

Volume 22
Part 2

Volume 23

Volume 24

Volume 26

Volume 27

Tiruvarur

Darasuram

Konerirajapuram

Tanjavur

Annual Reports 1935-1944

Annual Reports 1945- 1947

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 2, Part 2

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 7, Part 3

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 1

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 2

Epigraphica Indica

Epigraphia Indica Volume 3

Epigraphia
Indica Volume 4

Epigraphia Indica Volume 6

Epigraphia Indica Volume 7

Epigraphia Indica Volume 8

Epigraphia Indica Volume 27

Epigraphia Indica Volume 29

Epigraphia Indica Volume 30

Epigraphia Indica Volume 31

Epigraphia Indica Volume 32

Paramaras Volume 7, Part 2

Śilāhāras Volume 6, Part 2

Vākāṭakas Volume 5

Early Gupta Inscriptions

Archaeological Links

Archaeological-Survey of India

Pudukkottai

THE KṚITA ERA

Evidently this verse makes mention of Vikramāditya and refers to his munificent nature. And as Hāla, the author of the Gāthāsaptaśatī, is ordinarily spoken of as a Śātavāhana, and as this name occurs in the Purāṇas, and is placed there before that of Gautamīputra Sātakarṇi who, we know, lived about 125 A.D., it is argued that the work was composed about the beginning of the first century after Christ. And when such a work alludes to Vikramāditya, it is concluded that there was really a king of this name living in the first century B.C., as reported by the tradition. Hence, both Vaidya and Haraprasad Shastri hold that the tradition gives a correct account of the origin of the Vikrama era and that it was, therefore, initiated by a king called Vikramāditya.

        Now, even supposing for the moment, that there was such a king as Vikramāditya living in circa 57 B.C., it does not necessarily follow that the era was founded by him. It is true that even in inscriptions the era is associated with the name of Vikramāditya. But these are records of a late period, and, in fact, it is in Amitagati’s Subhāshitaratnasaṁdōha composed in Vikrama Saṁvat 1050 that we hear for the first time of a prince Vikrama in connection with it;1 and from the actual wording of the date by this Jaina author it seems that the era was believed in his time not to have been founded by Vikramāditya but rather started to commemorate his death. All earlier inscriptions going back to the first quarter of the third century A.D. give an entirely different name for the era. What that name is has been stated above, namely Kṛita, and it is sufficient here to say that they give not even the least inkling of its being associated with Vikramāditya.If this is what epigraphy tells us, it is rash to assume that the era was known to be connected with this king even long prior to Vikrama year 1050. And if, as we know from epigraphy, this era had an altogether different name and had absolutely no connection with Vikramāditya it is not reasonable at all to infer that it was established by him.

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        But, is it a fact that the Gāthāsaptaśatī was such early work as has been assumed ? In the first place, that its author, Hāla, was a Śātavāhana is a mere tradition and must be set aside like all other traditions about the ancient litterateurs of India. Indroductory verse 13 of Bāṇa’s Harshacharita, no doubt, speaks of a Śātavāhana having composed a Kōśa of songs, but there are no grounds to suppose that this Kōśa is Hāla’s Saptaśatī, as has been well pointed out by Weber.2 The internal evidence afforded by the work points, on the other hand, to a much later date for its composition. Only two points may be here noticed. The first is the reference to Kṛishṇa and Rādhikā contained in verse 1. 89, and the second to a week-day, Tuesday in 3. 61. The earliest mention of Rādhikā that we have been able to trace is in the Pañchatantra3 which was compiled in the fifth century after Christ. Similarly, the practice of citing the week-day in dates or for other general purposes came into vogue in the 9th century4 though the earliest instance of its use is found in the Ēraṇ inscription (No. 39 below) of Budhagupta dated 484 A.D. And we shall not be far wrong if we assing Hāla of the Gāthā-saptaśatī to the commencement of the 6th century. If we take this to be his period, there is nothing strange in our finding a verse, in his anthology, descriptive of the liberality of Vikramāditya. Because, whether we take this Vikramāditya to be Chandragupta II of the gupta dynasty with R. G. Bhandarkar5 or with his grandson Skandagupta with K. B. Pathak,6 he cannot be pushed later than 475 A.D. And it is quite possible that after the death of this Vikramāditya, his generosity stuck to the memory of the people and became the subject of
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1 R. G. Bhandarkar’s Second Report (1882-83), p. 228.
2 Ueber des Saptacatam des Hāla, pp. 2-4.
3 Pañchatantra (Bom. Skt. Series, No. IV), p. 38.
4 JRAS., 1912, pp. 1044-45.
5 JBBRAS., Vol. XX, p. 398.
6 Mēghadūta (2nd edn.), Introduction, p. xi.

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