The Indian Analyst
 

North Indian Inscriptions

 

 

Contents

Introduction

Contents

Preface

List of Plates

Abbreviations

Additions and Corrections

Images

Introduction

Political History

Administration

Social History

Religious History

Literary History

Gupta Era

Krita Era

Texts and Translations

The Gupta Inscriptions

Index

Other South-Indian Inscriptions 

Volume 1

Volume 2

Volume 3

Vol. 4 - 8

Volume 9

Volume 10

Volume 11

Volume 12

Volume 13

Volume 14

Volume 15

Volume 16

Volume 17

Volume 18

Volume 19

Volume 20

Volume 22
Part 1

Volume 22
Part 2

Volume 23

Volume 24

Volume 26

Volume 27

Tiruvarur

Darasuram

Konerirajapuram

Tanjavur

Annual Reports 1935-1944

Annual Reports 1945- 1947

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 2, Part 2

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 7, Part 3

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 1

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 2

Epigraphica Indica

Epigraphia Indica Volume 3

Epigraphia
Indica Volume 4

Epigraphia Indica Volume 6

Epigraphia Indica Volume 7

Epigraphia Indica Volume 8

Epigraphia Indica Volume 27

Epigraphia Indica Volume 29

Epigraphia Indica Volume 30

Epigraphia Indica Volume 31

Epigraphia Indica Volume 32

Paramaras Volume 7, Part 2

Śilāhāras Volume 6, Part 2

Vākāṭakas Volume 5

Early Gupta Inscriptions

Archaeological Links

Archaeological-Survey of India

Pudukkottai

LITERARY HISTORY

ever, is not correct; and, as a matter of fact, the three parts comprise two separate sentences. The first of these covers the first eight verses. Every one of these contains the relative vocable yaḥ or yasya. So also verse 8 also has yaḥ, but corresponding to it is the demonstrative pronoun asya which occurs in the third line of that stanza. This shows that these eight verses together comprise one sentence. The second sentence is represented by the prose passage and the concluding verse. It commences with tasya in line 17 which is further connected with the relative pronoun yasya in line 30 at the prose passage, which, together with the concluding stanza forms one clause, the relative clause. Thus, the second sentence covers lines 17 to 31. The postscript of the author (lines 31-33) informs us that he looked upon the whole of this record as kāvyam. It runs as follows: “And may this poetic composition (kāvya) of Harishēṇa, the slave of the very same venerable Bhaṭṭāraka, whose mind has expended through the favour of remaining near (him), who is the Sāndhivigrahika, Kumārāmātya (and) Mahādaṇḍanāyaka, (and who is) a native of Khādyaṭapāka,1 and son of the Mahādaṇḍanāyaka Dhruvabhūti, lead to the welfare and happiness of all beings.” This smacks a little of self-conceit. It is true that Harishēṇa was Minister for Peace and War and was thus no small officer. It is also true that as Sāndhivigrahika he was expected to be a poet just as the Sāndhivigrahika of Chandragupta II, Vīrasēna Śāba, was. Nevertheless, it is somewhat strange that a poet of this early period claims for his composition the title of kāvya, especially as it is of such a small length. Kālidāsa nowhere speaks of any one of his compositions as a kāvya. Even Vālmīki, who is the author of the Rāmāyaṇa which has been designated the ādi-kāvya, does not call his work a kāvya though it is a very extensive production, but is content with saying:

.................prāpta-rājyasya Rāmasya Vālmīkir=bhagavān=ṛishiḥ /
.................chakāra charitaṁ kṛitsnaṁ vichitra-padam=arthavat //

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It is Māgha who is the first poet to call his composition a mahākāvya. But Māgha flourished in the eighth century, and his work is much greater in length than the praśasti composed by Harishēṇa. However, taking this praśasti to be a kāvya, let us examine it in detail, nothing its good and bad points.

       The first two verses of this praśasti are well-nigh effaced. Stanza 3 says; “Whose mind is surcharged with happiness in consequence of his association with the wise, who is accustomed to retain the truth and meaning of sciences, . . . . . . fixed . . . . . . upraised . . . . . . . . . . , who, putting down obstructions to the grace of good poetry, through the very canons (ājña) of (Poetic) Excellence, clustered together (guṇita) by the connoisseurs (or rhetoric), enjoys, in the literate world, extensive sovereignty in consequence of fame for much and lucid poetry.” This is not a very happy stanza and lacks prasāda which is considered to be an essential feature of good poetry. According to Vāmana’s Kāvyālaṁkāra-sūtravṛitti, prasāda is artha-vaimalyaṁ, ‘Perspicuity of Sense’. The Sarasvatīkaṇṭhābharaṇa says: Yat = tu prākatyam=arthasya prasādaḥ sō=bhidhīyatē. Malllinātha also in one place in his commentary on the Kirātārjunīya quotes prasiddh-ārtha-padatvaṁ yat=sa prasādō nigadyatē, “The use of words with well-established sense
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Contd. from page 148
.................sv-ārtha-bōdha-samāptānām =aṅg-āṅgitva-vyapēkshayā /
.................vākyānām =ēka-vākyatvam punaḥ saṁhatya jāyatē //

       “Out of the sentences, completed as regards the conveying of their own sense, when joined together, there develops the nature of a single sentence, through the mutual relation of the parts to the whole.” But, as instances of this mahāvākya, the Sāhityadarpaṇa cites the names of the Rāmāyaṇa, Mahābhārata and Raghuvaṁśa. Surely Harishēṇa’s praśasti cannot possibly be classed with them and designated mahāvākya (gigantic sentence).
1 [See above, p. 12, note 1, -Ed.]

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