The Indian Analyst
 

North Indian Inscriptions

 

 

Contents

Introduction

Contents

Preface

List of Plates

Abbreviations

Additions and Corrections

Images

Introduction

Political History

Administration

Social History

Religious History

Literary History

Gupta Era

Krita Era

Texts and Translations

The Gupta Inscriptions

Index

Other South-Indian Inscriptions 

Volume 1

Volume 2

Volume 3

Vol. 4 - 8

Volume 9

Volume 10

Volume 11

Volume 12

Volume 13

Volume 14

Volume 15

Volume 16

Volume 17

Volume 18

Volume 19

Volume 20

Volume 22
Part 1

Volume 22
Part 2

Volume 23

Volume 24

Volume 26

Volume 27

Tiruvarur

Darasuram

Konerirajapuram

Tanjavur

Annual Reports 1935-1944

Annual Reports 1945- 1947

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 2, Part 2

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 7, Part 3

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 1

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 2

Epigraphica Indica

Epigraphia Indica Volume 3

Epigraphia
Indica Volume 4

Epigraphia Indica Volume 6

Epigraphia Indica Volume 7

Epigraphia Indica Volume 8

Epigraphia Indica Volume 27

Epigraphia Indica Volume 29

Epigraphia Indica Volume 30

Epigraphia Indica Volume 31

Epigraphia Indica Volume 32

Paramaras Volume 7, Part 2

Śilāhāras Volume 6, Part 2

Vākāṭakas Volume 5

Early Gupta Inscriptions

Archaeological Links

Archaeological-Survey of India

Pudukkottai

POLITICAL HISTORY

how Samudragupta after passing through Mahākāntāra proceeded immediately south-wards to defeat the rulers of Kurāḷa and Pishṭapura.

       The third prince vanquished by Samudragupta in South India was Maṇṭarāja of Kurāḷa. The correction of Kaurāḷaka into Kairaḷaka proposed by Fleet is too egregious to carry conviction, because it involves corrections in two syllables of a name which consists of three.1 Maṇṭarāja has therefore to be taken as king, not of Kērala, but of Kurāḷa or Kōrāḷa. Dubreuil2 thinks the latter to be the correct form of the name, but he makes no attempt to identify it. Barnett, however, identifies it with Kōrāḍa,3 and Aiyangar with Kurdha, the Railway junction Khurda,4 perhaps the same as Khurda on te South-Eastern Railway from Calcutta to Madras. Kielhorn, on the other hand, taking Kuraḷa as the correct form, identifies it with Kunāḷa, mentioned in the Aihoḷe inscription, as having been reduced by Pulakēśin II of the Chalukya family.5 And both have been identified by him with the well-known Kollēru (Collair) lake between the Godavari and the Krishna rivers. Dubreuil, however, sees no reason “why Kurāḷa should be identified with Kunāḷa.” The only argument he urges in support of his position is that “the names themselves do not resemble each other.”6 But this is just what they do, the three names Kunāḷa, Kurāḷa and Kollēru corresponding so closely in sound. Kielhorn himself has asked us to compare ālāna=āṇāla, Achalapura=Alachapura, and karēṇū=kaṇērū. And we may also note that l and n are interchangeable in Pāli and the Prakrits. No philological scruples can thus upset the equation Kunāḷa=Kurāḷa=Kuḷāra=Kollēru. And we have further to note that after conquering Kōsala, whereas Pulakēśin subjugates Kaliṅga, Pishṭapura and Kunāḷa from north to south, Samudragupta subjugates Kurāḷa, Pishṭapura and Kōṭṭūra from south to north.

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       The fourth king of Dakshiṇāpatha that we have to consider is Mahēndragiri of Pishṭapura. Pishṭapura is the same as the fortress of that name captured by the Chalukya king Pulakēśin II,7 and is the modern Piṭhāpuram in the East Godavari District of Andhra Pradesh. Fleet admits that it is natural to divide the text in such a manner as to give us the names Mahēndragiri of Pishṭapura and Svāmidatta of Kōṭṭūra. But giri or gīr, he says, is a denominational suffix attached to the names of Gōsāvīs and cannot be accepted as a suitable termination for a king’s name. He has, therefore, divided the text into most embarrassing names and has been followed by other scholars, setting at naught both grammar and common sense. This textual question has been treated at length elsewhere by us, and here we simply consider whether Mahēndragiri is an unsuitable name for a king as Fleet has thought it to be. In the first place, it is not clear why giri is taken by Fleet as a suffix of an individual name. He should have taken Mahēndragiri as one name denoting the mountain Mahēndra which is looked upon as an object of sanctity, especially in the Telugu country. And if the names of the sacred rivers have been adopted as individual names among Hindu females, the names of the sacred mountains have similarly been adopted among Hindu males. Thus mountain names like Himādri, Hēmādri and Śēshādri are found used as proper names snot only in modern but also in ancient India.8 If Śēshādri (Vēṅkaṭagiri) is a sacred mountain in the Tamil, Mahēndragiri is so in the Telugu country. And if Śēshādri can be the name of an individual, there is
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1 CII., Vol. III, 1888, p. 7, note 1.
2 Anc. Hist. of the Deccan, p. 59.
3 BSOS., Vol. II, p. 570.
4 Studies in Gupta History (University Supplement to JIH., Vol. VI), pp. 27 and 39.
5 Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, p. 3 and p. 6, line 13.
6 Anc. Hist. of the Deccan, p. 59.
7 Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, p. 3 and note 3.
8 IC., Vol. III, pp. 230-31.

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