The Indian Analyst
 

North Indian Inscriptions

 

 

Contents

Introduction

Contents

Preface

List of Plates

Abbreviations

Additions and Corrections

Images

Introduction

Political History

Administration

Social History

Religious History

Literary History

Gupta Era

Krita Era

Texts and Translations

The Gupta Inscriptions

Index

Other South-Indian Inscriptions 

Volume 1

Volume 2

Volume 3

Vol. 4 - 8

Volume 9

Volume 10

Volume 11

Volume 12

Volume 13

Volume 14

Volume 15

Volume 16

Volume 17

Volume 18

Volume 19

Volume 20

Volume 22
Part 1

Volume 22
Part 2

Volume 23

Volume 24

Volume 26

Volume 27

Tiruvarur

Darasuram

Konerirajapuram

Tanjavur

Annual Reports 1935-1944

Annual Reports 1945- 1947

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 2, Part 2

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 7, Part 3

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 1

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 2

Epigraphica Indica

Epigraphia Indica Volume 3

Epigraphia
Indica Volume 4

Epigraphia Indica Volume 6

Epigraphia Indica Volume 7

Epigraphia Indica Volume 8

Epigraphia Indica Volume 27

Epigraphia Indica Volume 29

Epigraphia Indica Volume 30

Epigraphia Indica Volume 31

Epigraphia Indica Volume 32

Paramaras Volume 7, Part 2

Śilāhāras Volume 6, Part 2

Vākāṭakas Volume 5

Early Gupta Inscriptions

Archaeological Links

Archaeological-Survey of India

Pudukkottai

SOCIAL HISTORY

only of himself but also of his parents. And what is further noteworthy is that this Kshatriya donee Rājyadharavarman, seems to have been a particularly holy man as the Gāhaḍavāla king issued no less than six charters to him,-a thing unprecedented in the field of epigraphy.

       We have now to consider the fifth question that arises out of the mention of the gōtras and clans specified in the two copper plate charters of the daughter of Chandragupta II. Let us, in the first place, recapitulate what we have discussed so far. We have seen that she calls herself Prabhāvatiguptā and that her mother is described as Kubēra-Nāgā. As the latter is further described as having sprung from the Nāga family, there can be no doubt that the post-fix Nāgā is the feminine form of Nāga, the name of the clan to which she belonged. For the same reason we have to take Guptā of Prabhāvatiguptā as the name of the clan to which she pertained. But she was married into the Vākāṭaka family which was decidedly a Brāhmaṇa family and bore the Brāhmaṇa gōtra Vishṇuvṛiddha. The Guptas never had any Brāhmaṇa gōtra before or after they rose to power. We have found so many inscriptions of them, but no Brāhmaṇa gōtra is found coupled with the name of any one of them. But there is hardly any record of the Vākāṭaka kings where their Brāhmaṇa gōtra, Vishṇuvṛiddha, is not specified. Their clan names were already different, namely Gupta and Vākāṭaka.
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That was enough to enable one clan to marry into the other, just as Kubēra-Nāgā was married to Chandragupta. But as Prabhāvatiguptā was being wedded to a Vākāṭaka king of the Brāhmaṇa caste, the Guptas, it seems, had to adopt a Brāhmaṇa gōtra, namely, Dhāraṇa, which had different pravaras from those of Vishṇuvṛiddha. This was probably to raise themselves to the dignity of a Brāhmaṇa family and legalise the marriage even from the Brahmanic point of view, by bringing about matrimonial alliance not only in two different clans but also in two different Brāhmaṇa gōtras. In fact, it was on account of mixed marriages, anulōma and pratilōma, that the Kshatriya families were forced to retain or assume Brāhmaṇa gōtras. Those who had the ārsha pravaras handed down from generation to generation certainly retained them. The mention of Rājyadharavarman as a grantee in Jayachchandra’s plates is in instance in point, showing that some Kshatriya families retained such pravaras till the twelfth century A.D. But those Kshatriya families which had no ārsha gōtras attached to them had to assume them for matrimonial purposes to start with and borrowed them apparently from their Purōhitas. To sum up, mixed marriages, like anulōma and pratilōma, were known right up to the time of Chandragupta II, that is, up to the commencement of the fifth century A.D., that consequently the metronymics, coined out of Brāhmaṇa gōtra or Kshatriya clan names, were prevalent up to the Gupta period, but that except among the Rājpūts these metronymics have now gone completely out of vogue, especially in the Brāhmaṇa caste, where a girl is believed to be merged into the gōtra of her husband soon after her marriage. Thus the fifth question that we have to consider here is: when did the custom arise of a girl being absorbed into the gōtra of her husband? It is very doubtful whether this custom is Aryan at all. As a matter of fact, it is not supported by any one of the earlier Smṛitis, such as Manu, and Yājñavalkya, and Nārada and Vishṇu. Gautama Dharmasūtra (IV. 2) says: a-samāna-pravarair=vivāhaḥ. Yājñvalkya-smṛiti lays down (I. 53) that a man should marry a girl who is a-samān-ārsha-gōtrajā, “born in a gōtra which has dissimilar Pravaras (ārshas).” If the Aryans were so particular about avoiding marriage with a girl who has the same gōtra, how can they admit a girl into the gōtra of her husband after a marriage. In fact, Bōdhāyana asserts that sa-gōtrāṁ gatvā Chāndrāyaṇam charēt, “one shall perform (the penance of) Chāndrāyaṇa, having intercourse with a girl of the same gōtra.” It thus seems well nigh impossible according to the Aryan custom that a girl after marriage could be merged into the gōtra of her husband as he thereby committed an incest and would have to perform the expiatory penance. Nevertheless, the Aryan custom, foisted upon the marriage system of India, was gradually losing ground and being replaced by the pre-Aryan

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