The Indian Analyst
 

North Indian Inscriptions

 

 

Contents

Introduction

Contents

Preface

List of Plates

Abbreviations

Additions and Corrections

Images

Introduction

Political History

Administration

Social History

Religious History

Literary History

Gupta Era

Krita Era

Texts and Translations

The Gupta Inscriptions

Index

Other South-Indian Inscriptions 

Volume 1

Volume 2

Volume 3

Vol. 4 - 8

Volume 9

Volume 10

Volume 11

Volume 12

Volume 13

Volume 14

Volume 15

Volume 16

Volume 17

Volume 18

Volume 19

Volume 20

Volume 22
Part 1

Volume 22
Part 2

Volume 23

Volume 24

Volume 26

Volume 27

Tiruvarur

Darasuram

Konerirajapuram

Tanjavur

Annual Reports 1935-1944

Annual Reports 1945- 1947

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 2, Part 2

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 7, Part 3

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 1

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 2

Epigraphica Indica

Epigraphia Indica Volume 3

Epigraphia
Indica Volume 4

Epigraphia Indica Volume 6

Epigraphia Indica Volume 7

Epigraphia Indica Volume 8

Epigraphia Indica Volume 27

Epigraphia Indica Volume 29

Epigraphia Indica Volume 30

Epigraphia Indica Volume 31

Epigraphia Indica Volume 32

Paramaras Volume 7, Part 2

Śilāhāras Volume 6, Part 2

Vākāṭakas Volume 5

Early Gupta Inscriptions

Archaeological Links

Archaeological-Survey of India

Pudukkottai

THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS

       (Verse 33) When the falling of frost and snow is derided by the fast clasping of the massive, lovely and plump thighs, breasts and hips of the beloved women by young men, fallen into the power of sexual love;

       (Verses 34-35) When four centuries, increased by ninety-three, had elapsed, according to the reckoning of the Mālavas, in the season when the massive breasts (of women) are worthy of enjoyment, on the blessed thirteenth day of the bright half of the month of Sahasya, this edifice was consecrated with the performance of auspicious ceremonies;

       (Verse 36-37) When considerable time had passed away and, one part of this (temple) was shattered;1 hence now, for the augmentation of their own fame was again renovated most munificently by the magnanimous guild, this whole edifice of the Sun.

       (Verse 38) Which is very lofty, burnished, as it were touching the sky with (its) attractive spires, (and) has become the receptacle of spotless rays of the moon and the sun at (their) rise;

       (Verse 39) When five centuries of years increased by twenty and nine years had elapsed,2 on the second lunar day of the bright fortnight of the charming month of Tapasya;
>
_____________________

1 Fleet has rendered the verse as follows: “And, in the course of a long time, under other kings, part of this temple, fell into disrepair.” It will thus be seen that anyaiś=cha pārthivaiḥ of the verse has been translated as “under other kings.” This, however, is inadmissible. The word cha and the instrumental case in anyaiḥ pārthivaiḥ show that the word samatītēna from the first quarter of the verse has to be understood after the latter also. But this has been considered defective by Dasharatha Sharma, as “it connects samatītēna, an adjective in the singular number with pārthīvaiḥ, a noun in the plural, while the general rule is that a noun and its defining word should be of the same number” (IC., Vol. III, p. 380). He, however, does not cite any grammatical rule which compels one to this procedure. As it is, there are instances, from classical poetry, of a contrary nature. Thus Bhavabhūti’s Uttararāmacharita has Yēshāṁ kulēshu savitā cha gurur=vayaṁ cha. If Sharma’s rule had been obligatory, we should have had guravō vayaṁ cha. Similarly, in Kālidāsa’s Raghuvaṁśa, XVII. 71 we have na ch=ābhūt=tāv=iva kshayī. Here also kshayī, an adjective in the singular number, goes not only with saḥ but also with tau which is in the dual. Nothing therefore precludes us from taking samatītēna with pārthivaiḥ, although the first is in the singular and the second in the plural, It is better, however, to take anyais=cha pārthivaiḥ as instrumental absolute and translate it by “and with other kings”, or “when (others were) other rulers”. Sharma further remarks: “But the significance of the instrumental case in pārthivaiḥ, and the passive voice in vyaśīryata, a form formed from the Parasmaipadī root śṛi of the 9th conjugation, can be brought fully, only if we translate the verse as follows: “After much time had passed, a part of this building was destroyed by other kings.” If this translation is accepted, cha following anyaiś=becomes meaningless. Besides, it is natural to connect samatītēna with pārthivaiḥ, as just pointed out. In this way alone cha attains its full significance. “Nor can it be argued” proceeds Sharma further “that vyaśīryata is the bhāva-vāchya form of the root vi-śṛī, for in that case the expression should have been ēkadēśēna vyaśīryata instead of ēkadēśō=sya vyaśīryata found in the verse.” It is not quite clear why this argument has been urged. Because even Apte’s Sanskrit-English Dictionary gives for vi śṛī (pass.) the primary sense of “to be split in pieces, be shattered”, and illustrates it with a quotation from Bhartṛihari’s Śataka, namely, viśīryēta vanē=tha vā. This suits here excellently. Part of the temple not only fell into disrepair but was shattered within thirty-six years of its construction, may be, through lightning, as from the inscription it appears that it was a building of considerable height. Many a monument of the ancient period must have suffered similarly. To take one instance, it is well-known that in the celebrated Allahābād pillar there is a large crack in the column, from about the first word of the first line, and extending down to the beginning of the fourteenth of Samudragupta’s praśasti incised upon it and further that the bell-shaped capital and the surmounting animal figure have not been traced and seem to have disappeared even before the time of the Moghul emperor Jehangir. We may, therefore, take it until the contrary is proved that the Sun Temple of Daśapura also suffered this fate. The surmise that Hūṇa vandalism was responsible for it (IC., Vol. III, p. 381) is not well-founded, because if these barbarians had at all wanted to destroy the sacred fane, they would have done so completely, and not destroyed it in part. Besides, it is very doubtful whether iconoclasm was at all known to India before the advent of the Muhammadan power. The pre-Muhammadan foreigners became Hinduised as fast as they came in touch with the Indian culture and civilisation. And, further, as a matter of fact, the Hūṇas penetrated into the interior of India after Budhagupta whose last date is Gupta year 175=493 A.D., whereas the date of the Mandasōr inscription is Vikrama Year 529=472 A. D.
2 A novel interpretation has been proposed for this line by K. Rama Pisharoti. He translates it by ‘after five
.....................................................................................................................(Contd. on p. 332)

>
>