The Indian Analyst
 

North Indian Inscriptions

 

 

Contents

Introduction

Contents

Preface

List of Plates

Abbreviations

Additions and Corrections

Images

Introduction

Political History

Administration

Social History

Religious History

Literary History

Gupta Era

Krita Era

Texts and Translations

The Gupta Inscriptions

Index

Other South-Indian Inscriptions 

Volume 1

Volume 2

Volume 3

Vol. 4 - 8

Volume 9

Volume 10

Volume 11

Volume 12

Volume 13

Volume 14

Volume 15

Volume 16

Volume 17

Volume 18

Volume 19

Volume 20

Volume 22
Part 1

Volume 22
Part 2

Volume 23

Volume 24

Volume 26

Volume 27

Tiruvarur

Darasuram

Konerirajapuram

Tanjavur

Annual Reports 1935-1944

Annual Reports 1945- 1947

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 2, Part 2

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 7, Part 3

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 1

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 2

Epigraphica Indica

Epigraphia Indica Volume 3

Epigraphia
Indica Volume 4

Epigraphia Indica Volume 6

Epigraphia Indica Volume 7

Epigraphia Indica Volume 8

Epigraphia Indica Volume 27

Epigraphia Indica Volume 29

Epigraphia Indica Volume 30

Epigraphia Indica Volume 31

Epigraphia Indica Volume 32

Paramaras Volume 7, Part 2

Śilāhāras Volume 6, Part 2

Vākāṭakas Volume 5

Early Gupta Inscriptions

Archaeological Links

Archaeological-Survey of India

Pudukkottai

THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS

       It has already been hinted that Patañjali borrowed his definition of Āryāvarta from one of the Dharmasūtras. As a matter of fact, the same definition occurs both in the Baudhāyana1 and in the Vasishṭha2 Dharmasūtras. And, as Patañjali sometimes quotes phraseology met with in the Baudhāyana,3 the inference is not unreasonable that he was indebted to this dharmasūtra for his definition of Āryāvarta. We may, therefore, take it that from the time of Baudhāyana up till that of Patañjali, Āryāvarta was bounded on the west by Ādarśa, apparently a country situated between the Rāvī and the Beās, and on the east by Kālaka-vana or Kālakā-vana which corresponds to the modern Jhāḍkhaṇḍ. Let us now see how far Āryāvarta had spread in the time of Samudragupta. The Allahābād pillar inscription, no doubt, speaks of Āryāvarta in connection with certain princes whom Samudragupta violently uprooted. But that does not mean that this province did not extend beyond the kingdom of the easternmost or westernmost prince specified in the list of these Āryāvarta rulers. Other kingdoms or countries mentioned there must be passed in review in this connection. Thus, among the tribes that acknowledged the political domination of Samudragupta are the Madrakas whose country with its capital Śākala (=Sialkot), as we have seen above,4 lay between the Rāvī and the Chenāb. It thus seems that in the time of Samudragupta, Āryāvarta had extended more westward, that is, gone beyond the Ādarśa country which was situated between the Rāvī and the Beās. Similarly, the political supremacy of this Gupta monarch had spread over such frontier provinces as Samataṭa, Ḍavāka and Kāmarūpa of which the first was doubtless bordered by the sea on the east.5 It will thus be seen that Āryāvarta in the fourth century A. D. was much wider in extent than even in the time of Patañjali and corresponded rather to the Āryāvarta of the Manusmṛiti, according to which it was bounded on the east and the west by the seas.

>

        The second territorial division that engages our attention is Dakshiṇāpatha. Originally it was with reference to the Middle Country (Madhyadēśa) that the terms Dakshiṇāpatha and Uttarāpatha seem to have been coined. What this Madhyadēśa was according to Manu, we have already seen, when we spoke of his definition of Āryāvarta. Madhyadēśa is not unknown to Buddhist literature also. It is there called Majjhimadesa. The only difference between the two was that the easternmost point, at any rate, of this Middle Country in Manu’s time was Prayāga, whereas it had extended nearly 400 miles eastward when the Buddha lived and Preached.6 It was in regard to this Madhyadēśa that the two territorial divisions, Dakshiṇāpatha and Uttarāpatha,7 came into vogue. The term Dakshiṇāpatha has been pretty frequently used in the Mahābhārata and the Purāṇas.8 But that does not enable us to fix even approximately the time when this name first came into use, as these works have been recast more than once. In such a case we are helped more by the Pāli Buddhist, than by the Sanskrit Brahmanic, literature.9 One of the oldest Pāli works, the Suttanipāta, speaks of a Brāhmaṇa guru called Bāvarin as having left the Kōsala country of his patron king, Pasenadi (Prasēnajit), and retired to a place on the Gōdāvarī in the Assaka (Aśmaka) pro-
______________________________________________________

1 K. S. S., No. 104, I, ii, 10, p. 9.
2 B.S.S., No. XXIII, I, 8, p. 1.
3 Notice e.g., the phrases kumbhīdhānyā alōlupā of Baudhāyana (I, i, 5, p. 2) in his definition of the śishṭas which occur also in Mahābhāshya, Vol. III, VI, iii, 109, p. 174. See also JBBRAS., Vol. XVI, p. 335.
4 Introduction, p. 24.
5 Ibid., p. 22.
6 D. R. Bhandarkar, Carmichael Lectures, 1918, p. 44.
7 Uttarāpatha and Dakshiṇāpatha denote literally ‘Path or Road Northward and Southward.’ But they are intended apparently to mean ‘the Northern Region and the Southern Region.’
8 BG., Vol. I, Part ii, pp. 133-34.
9 The author of the Periplus also speaks of Dakhinabadēs=Dakshiṇāpatha (Ind. Ant., Vol. VIII, p. 143), which shows that the name was popular in the first century A.D.

>
>