The Indian Analyst
 

South Indian Inscriptions

 

 

Contents

Index

Introduction

Contents

Additions and Corrections

Images

Contents

Dr. Bhandarkar

J.F. Fleet

Prof. E. Hultzsch

Prof. F. Kielhorn

Prof. H. Luders

J. Ramayya

E. Senart

J. PH. Vogel

Index-By V. Venkayya

Appendix

List of Plates

Other South-Indian Inscriptions 

Volume 1

Volume 2

Volume 3

Vol. 4 - 8

Volume 9

Volume 10

Volume 11

Volume 12

Volume 13

Volume 14

Volume 15

Volume 16

Volume 17

Volume 18

Volume 19

Volume 20

Volume 22
Part 1

Volume 22
Part 2

Volume 23

Volume 24

Volume 26

Volume 27

Tiruvarur

Darasuram

Konerirajapuram

Tanjavur

Annual Reports 1935-1944

Annual Reports 1945- 1947

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 2, Part 2

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 7, Part 3

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 1

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 2

Epigraphica Indica

Epigraphia Indica Volume 3

Epigraphia
Indica Volume 4

Epigraphia Indica Volume 6

Epigraphia Indica Volume 7

Epigraphia Indica Volume 8

Epigraphia Indica Volume 27

Epigraphia Indica Volume 29

Epigraphia Indica Volume 30

Epigraphia Indica Volume 31

Epigraphia Indica Volume 32

Paramaras Volume 7, Part 2

Śilāhāras Volume 6, Part 2

Vākāṭakas Volume 5

Early Gupta Inscriptions

Archaeological Links

Archaeological-Survey of India

Pudukkottai

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA

Two other points of some importance deserve to be noticed. The first is with regard to the date of Dharmapâla, who has been placed conjecturally by Cunningham and Prof. Kielhorn in the earlier part, or about the middle, of the 9th century.[1] But we have seen that Dharmapâla was a contemporary of the Râshṭrakûṭa prince Indra III., for whom the Râshṭrakûṭa records furnish the dates 915 and 917 A.D. We thus have positive evidence that Dharmapâla lived in the earlier part of the 10th century, i.e. at least half a century later than he has hitherto been placed. Next, the Mungir plates of Dêvapâladêva tell us that Dharmapâla married Raṇṇâdêvî, daughter of the Râshṭrakûṭa prince Śrî-Paravala. Prof. Kielhorn, who re-edited the inscription, corrects Śri-Paravala into Śrî-Vallabha.[2] If this correction is accepted, the Râshṭrakûṭa king, who was the father-in-law of Dharmapâla, was either Kṛishṇa II. or Indra III. himself. For Jagattuṅga, father of the latter and son of the former, died without coming to the throne. Further, it appears unlikely that Dharmapâla, if he had been the son-in-law of Indra III., would have carried on hostilities with him. On the whole, therefore, it seems more probable that Kṛishṇa II. was the father-in-law of Dharmapâla.

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So much for the historical conclusion to be drawn from verse 19 of our grant. From verse 20 we gather that Indra III. married Vijâmbâ of the Haihaya, i.e. Chêdi,dynasty. She is therein said to be the daughter of Ammaṇadêva, who himself was the son of Arjuna and grandson of Kôkkalla. From Indra III. and Vijâmbâ sprang the prince Gôvinda (IV.), “ the beauty of whose form excelled that of the god of love” (v. 21). The first three lines of verse 22 look as if the composer of the inscription were giving of his own accord quite an uncalled-for defence to establish the spotless character of his patron Gôvinda IV. This is enough to lead one to suspect the certain accusations, which the composer tries to confute, were in his time actually whispered against Gôvinda IV. The second and third lines of this verses, as will be seen from the translation, defend him against the attackof sensuality and incest. This indicates that Gôvinda IV. was popularly believed to have led a dissolute life and even looked upon as incestuous. And, that he had given himself up to sensual pleasures, is mentioned in the Khârêpâṭaṇ grant and in the Dêôlî and Karhâḍ charters. The former calls him “an abode of the sentiment of love, surrounded by crowds of lovely women.”[3] The two latter represent him as “the source of the sportive pleasures of love” and as “one whose intelligence was entangled in the nooses which were the eyes of women.”[4] The Dêôlî and Karhâḍ charters, moreover, tell us that, in consequence of his sensual courses, he undermined his health and bedimmed his natural lustre. Another sense is also here intended, viz., that Gôvinda IV. incurred the displeasure of his subjects, rendered the constituents of the political body loose, and thus met with destruction. To this may be added the further statement of the aforesaid grants that, after Gôvinda IV. had thus come to ruin, the feudatory chieftains besought his uncle Amôghavarsha to ascend the throne and thereby maintain the Raṭṭa,i.e. Râshṭrakûṭa, sovereignty, and that accordingly he acceded to their request.[5] Mr. K. B. Pathak has drawnmy attention to a passage in the Vikramârjunavijaya by the Kanarese poet Pampa, which has an important bearing
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proved that the Indra, who is associated with Chakrâyudha in the Bhâgalpur charter, was a Râshṭrakûṭa prince, holding sway in the Dekkan, and cannot, therefore, be identified with Indrâyudha, who was ruling in the north. and that this Râshṭrakûṭa king Indra can neither be the elder brother of, nor belong to the same family with, Chakrâyudha, who was king of Kaṇauj.

[1] See above, Vol. IV. p. 246 ; Ind. Ant. Vol.XXI. p. 254; Arch. Sur. Rep. Vol. XV. p. 150, where Cunningham fixes the accession of Dharmapâla in A.D. 831. Now that we know that Dharmapâla was a contemporary of the Râshṭrakûṭa prince Indra III., the mention of the week-day and the regnal year in his Mahâbôdhi inscription can be utilised to determine much approximately the date of Dharmapâla’s accession, as was first suggested by Cunningham.
[2] Ind. Ant. Vol. XXI. p. 254, and note 10 on p. 90.
[3] Above, Vol. III. p. 298, text line 10.
[4] Above, Vol. IV. p. 283 f., verse 20 ; Vol. V. p. 194, verse 18.
[5] Above, Vol. IV. p. 284, verse 21 ; Vol. V. p. 194, verse 19.

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