The Indian Analyst
 

South Indian Inscriptions

 

 

Contents

Index

Introduction

Contents

Additions and Corrections

Images

Contents

Dr. Bhandarkar

J.F. Fleet

Prof. E. Hultzsch

Prof. F. Kielhorn

Prof. H. Luders

J. Ramayya

E. Senart

J. PH. Vogel

Index-By V. Venkayya

Appendix

List of Plates

Other South-Indian Inscriptions 

Volume 1

Volume 2

Volume 3

Vol. 4 - 8

Volume 9

Volume 10

Volume 11

Volume 12

Volume 13

Volume 14

Volume 15

Volume 16

Volume 17

Volume 18

Volume 19

Volume 20

Volume 22
Part 1

Volume 22
Part 2

Volume 23

Volume 24

Volume 26

Volume 27

Tiruvarur

Darasuram

Konerirajapuram

Tanjavur

Annual Reports 1935-1944

Annual Reports 1945- 1947

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 2, Part 2

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 7, Part 3

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 1

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 2

Epigraphica Indica

Epigraphia Indica Volume 3

Epigraphia
Indica Volume 4

Epigraphia Indica Volume 6

Epigraphia Indica Volume 7

Epigraphia Indica Volume 8

Epigraphia Indica Volume 27

Epigraphia Indica Volume 29

Epigraphia Indica Volume 30

Epigraphia Indica Volume 31

Epigraphia Indica Volume 32

Paramaras Volume 7, Part 2

Śilāhāras Volume 6, Part 2

Vākāṭakas Volume 5

Early Gupta Inscriptions

Archaeological Links

Archaeological-Survey of India

Pudukkottai

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA

term. I have no doubt that, at the end of l. 2 as well as in ll. 3 and 4, the text had originally gâma[ṁ] Karajak[e], in which Karajake is the accusative plural. If the text had read the locative gâme, we would also have Karajakesu, which I have stated to be inadmissible. Besides, this is the reading which I find with certainly in the continuation of the line as in apposition to bhikhuhala[ṁ]. But even if we had the locative, we should arrive by a round-about way to the same meaning : “ the bhikhuhala in the village of Karajaka.” It is because the donation embraces the whole village, that no limit is stipulated and that the whole village is included in the immunities promised, while the contrary holds good in Nâsik Nos. 4 and 5.

Afteretesa[ṁ] l read tu. Perhaps cha has to be read ; but this does not matter. In any case we have two co-ordinate sentences. I do not understand how Bühler analysed the final verb of the first sentence, which he read papahi and which I read without hesitation pâpehi[ṁ], which is the first singular aorist of the causative prâpayâmi, and for which we shall find in the sequel the distinct parallels pariharehi[ṁ], and niba[ṁ]dhâpehi[ṁ]. Dêyaṁ prâpayitum means ‘to cause to obtain, to confer, a gift.’ I believe that bhikhuhala is not compounded with deya, but must be understood as in apposition to gâmaṁ Karajake. I conclude this from a passage in Nâsik No. 3, where we shall find the same expression without bhikhuhala. The meaning of both constructions would, however, be exactly the same. Without pretending to trace with certainty the reasons why the first singular and the first plural were both employed in the same phrase, I should like to suggest that the singular may have been used here in order to give a personal and deliberate turn to the affirmation or order. In the same way, the desire of accentuation the idea more strongly has caused the employment of the causative pâpehiṁ after the simple dadâma. The king is not content to give ; he wants to state that he has issued the necessary orders for realising his intention. I may quote here the expression used by Vijayabuddhavarman, to which I shall return presently : savaparihârehi pariharatha pariharâpetha (this is the actual reading ;[1] Ind. Ant. Vol. IX. p. 101, l. 10). Compare also the grant of Śivaskandavarman, l. 36 : pariharitavaṁ parihâpetavva cha, etc. The subsequent passage is clear ; and one can see now why the donor uses the two symmetrical propositions. It is because he has assigned the village to the monks, that he grants to it the immunities of church-land. Parihâra has, I think, been well explained by Professor Leumann (Ep. Ind. Vol. II. p. 484). The original meaning,─ ‘exception, immunity,’ quite naturally leads to the more general one.─ ‘privilege, privileged position.’

t>

The cognate inscriptions leave no doubt as to the privileges which were expressly mentioned here ; we have to restore : a[nomasaṁ aloṇakhâdakaṁ araṭhasaṁvinayikaṁ savajâta] pârihârikaṁ. The translation is less certain than the reading. Regarding apâvesa, in Sanskṛit aprâvêśyam, it is sufficient to refer to Dr. Fleet’s Gupta Inscriptions, p. 98, note. Anomasa represents anavamṛiśyam ; its certain equivalent in the later terminology, namely  s a m a s t a r & a c i r c; j a k îyâṇâm ahastaprakshêpaṇîyam, etc. (ibid. p. 171, note), seems to imply that the royal officers were prohibited from taking possession of anything belonging to the village. For aloṇakhâdaka the later inscriptions offer several equivalents,─ alavaṇakrêṇikhanaka, which Bühler (p. 104) has already quoted (Dr. Fleet’s No. 55, l. 28, and No. 56) ; aloṇagulachchhobha in l. 32 of the plates of Śivaskandavarman (Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 6) ; salôhalavaṇâkara in l. 17 of the plates of Gôvindachandra (above, Vol. IV. p. 101). These words are far from clear ; but if we remember the fact that the production of salt is a royal monopoly (Bühler in Ep. Ind. Vol. I. p. 9, note), and the details quoted by Bhagwanlal (Bombay Gazetteer, Vol. XVI. p. 556 and p. 179) regarding the manner of digging the soil for salt which prevails in the very region of our inscriptions, it seems to me that the explanation proposed by Bhagwanlal, viz., alavaṇakhâtaka with the Prâkṛit softening of t into d, is quite satisfactory. The object of this immunity would thus be to deny to the representatives of the king the right of digging pits for extracting salt.
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[1] [Compare above, Vol. VI. p. 88, note 10.─ E. H.]

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