The Indian Analyst

South Indian Inscriptions







Additions and Corrections



Dr. Bhandarkar

J.F. Fleet

Prof. E. Hultzsch

Prof. F. Kielhorn

Prof. H. Luders

J. Ramayya

E. Senart

J. PH. Vogel

Index-By V. Venkayya


List of Plates

Other South-Indian Inscriptions 

Volume 1

Volume 2

Volume 3

Vol. 4 - 8

Volume 9

Volume 10

Volume 11

Volume 12

Volume 13

Volume 14

Volume 15

Volume 16

Volume 17

Volume 18

Volume 19

Volume 20

Volume 22
Part 1

Volume 22
Part 2

Volume 23

Volume 24

Volume 26

Volume 27





Annual Reports 1935-1944

Annual Reports 1945- 1947

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 2, Part 2

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 7, Part 3

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 1

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 2

Epigraphica Indica

Epigraphia Indica Volume 3

Indica Volume 4

Epigraphia Indica Volume 6

Epigraphia Indica Volume 7

Epigraphia Indica Volume 8

Epigraphia Indica Volume 27

Epigraphia Indica Volume 29

Epigraphia Indica Volume 30

Epigraphia Indica Volume 31

Epigraphia Indica Volume 32

Paramaras Volume 7, Part 2

Śilāhāras Volume 6, Part 2

Vākāṭakas Volume 5

Early Gupta Inscriptions

Archaeological Links

Archaeological-Survey of India



ambassadors whom Kṛishṇarâya sent to Goa immediately after having received the news of the recapture of that place by the Portuguese in November 1510. In this letter Fr. Luiz informed Albuquerque “that the king of Narsinga was getting himself ready with five thousand men on foot and two thousand on horse, for an expedition against one of his vassals who had risen up in rebellion and seized the city of Pergunda, (the rebel) declaring that to himself belonged the kingdom itself by right ; and that directly he had taken the rebel the king would proceed with all this force of men to his places situated on the edge of the sea.” There can be little doubt, I think, that the rebel spoken of in the letter is the Râja of Ummatûr. Pergunda had already been correctly identified by Mr. Sewell[1] with Penakoṇḍa, in the Anantapur district, situated about half-way between Vijayanagara and Śivanasamudra, and the war would thus appear to have arise from a dispute about this hill-fort. This view is further strengthened by an inscription at Hôṇakanahaḷḷi in the Guṇḍlupêṭe tâluka,[2] where Chikkarâja-Oḍeyar, the lord of Ummatûr, is given the biruda Penugoṇḍa-chakréśvara. As this inscription is dated in Śaka-Saṁvat 1426, the Krôdhana saṁvatsara, during the reign of Narasa, it would seem that the Râjas of Ummatûr had taken possession of Penakoṇḍa already under Kṛishṇarâya’s predecessor, and that it was not until Kṛishṇarâya’s accession to the throne that their claims were seriously disputed.


The taking of the forts of Udayâdri, Vinikoṇḍa, Bellakoṇḍa and Koṇḍavîḍu formed part of Kṛishṇarâya’s campaign on the eastern coast against the Gajapati of Orissa. Fernão Nunes[3] tells us that Kṛishṇarâya had a special desire of acquiring Udayagiri, because king Narsymga (Narasiṁha) in his testament had enjoined on his successors the necessity of taking the fortresses of Rracholl (Raichûr), Medegulla (Mudkal), and Odigair (Udayagiri).[4] He therefore collected 34,000 foot-soldiers and 800 elephants and arrived with this army at Digary (Udayagiri), which, although its garrison numbered only 10,000 foot-soldiers and 400 horse, was nevertheless a very strong place on account of its natural position. The king laid siege to it for a year and a half, cutting roads through the surrounding hills in order to gain access to the towers of the fortress, and finally took it by force of arms. On this occasion an aunt of the king of Orissa fell into his hands.

The capture of Vinikoṇḍa, the modern Vinukoṇḍa, and of Bellakoṇḍa, generally called Bellaṁkoṇḍa, is not mentioned by Nunes, probably because these places were only of secondary importance. He proceeds at once to the account of the siege of Koṇḍavîḍu, which I have discussed above, Vol. VI. p. 109 ff. According to inscriptions at Maṅgalagiri, Kâzâ and Koṇḍavîḍu the fortress surrendered on Saturday, the Harivâsara of the bright half of the month Âshâḍha in Śaka-Saṁvat 1437, which, for Śaka-Saṁvat 1437 expired, corresponds to Saturday, the 23rd June A.D. 1515.

There remains the statement that the king took alive on the battle-field Vîrabhadra, the son of the Gajapati. This fact is mentioned by Nunes as well as by Domingos Paes. The latter has only the short notice that, in the war against the king of Orissa, Kṛishṇarâya took captive his enemy’s son and kept him for a long time in the city of Bisnaga (Vijayanagara), where he died.[5] Nunes’ account is more detailed.[6] He tells us that, after the capture of Koṇḍavîḍu, Kṛishṇarâya continued his march northward until he arrived at Comdepallyr (Koṇḍapalle). After a siege of three months he took it ; among the prisoners he made was a wife of the king of Orissa, and one of his sons who was a prince, and seven principal captains of the kingdom, all of whom he sent to Bisnaga (Vijayanagara). When Kṛishṇarâya himself had returned to Bisnaga, he summoned

[1] A Forgotten Empire (Vijayanagar), p. 126, Mr. Sewell was also the first to draw attention to the importance of this letter for the history of the first years of Kṛishṇarâya’s reign.
[2] Ep. Carn. Vol. IV. p. 77 of the text.
[3] Chronica dos Reis de Bisnaga, p. 19 f.; Sewell, A Forgotten Empire, p. 316 f.
[4] Ibid. p. 13 ; by Sewell, loc. cit. p. 308, their names are given as Rachol, Odegany, and Conadolgi.
[5] Ibid. p. 89 ; Sewell, loc. cit. p. 247
[6 ] Ibid. p. 21 f.; Sewell, loc. cit. p. 318 ff.

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