The Indian Analyst
 

North Indian Inscriptions

 

 

Contents

Introduction

Contents

Preface

List of Plates

Abbreviations

Additions and Corrections

Images

Introduction

Political History

Administration

Social History

Religious History

Literary History

Gupta Era

Krita Era

Texts and Translations

The Gupta Inscriptions

Index

Other South-Indian Inscriptions 

Volume 1

Volume 2

Volume 3

Vol. 4 - 8

Volume 9

Volume 10

Volume 11

Volume 12

Volume 13

Volume 14

Volume 15

Volume 16

Volume 17

Volume 18

Volume 19

Volume 20

Volume 22
Part 1

Volume 22
Part 2

Volume 23

Volume 24

Volume 26

Volume 27

Tiruvarur

Darasuram

Konerirajapuram

Tanjavur

Annual Reports 1935-1944

Annual Reports 1945- 1947

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 2, Part 2

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 7, Part 3

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 1

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 2

Epigraphica Indica

Epigraphia Indica Volume 3

Epigraphia
Indica Volume 4

Epigraphia Indica Volume 6

Epigraphia Indica Volume 7

Epigraphia Indica Volume 8

Epigraphia Indica Volume 27

Epigraphia Indica Volume 29

Epigraphia Indica Volume 30

Epigraphia Indica Volume 31

Epigraphia Indica Volume 32

Paramaras Volume 7, Part 2

Śilāhāras Volume 6, Part 2

Vākāṭakas Volume 5

Early Gupta Inscriptions

Archaeological Links

Archaeological-Survey of India

Pudukkottai

POLITICAL HISTORY

namely, (1) Sarva-rāj-ōchchhēttā, (2) Pṛithivyām=apratirathaḥ, and (3) Chatur-udadhi-salil- āsvādita-yaśāḥ ?1 Why should these epithets be common at all to these two Gupta sovereigns ? A reply to this question is furnished by a consideration of the titular formulary of later royal dynasties, e.g. the Rāshṭrakūṭas of Mālkhēḍ. Those, who have studied the history of this dynasty, know full well that while, on the one hand, there are epithets which are peculiar to every name, such as Akālavarsha, Prabhūtavarsha or Amōghavarsha, there are others which are common to them all, namely, Pṛithivīvallabha, Vallabharāja, and so forth.2 The same may have been the case with the appellations of the Gupta dynasty. While Parākrama and combinations formed out of it are peculiar to Samudragupta, and Vikrama and its combinations to Chandragupta II, there are other epithets which were common to them all, such as the three referred to above. And, in fact, these last are of such a character that they could be borne by powerful kings of any family. And this is just what we find about the Kaṭachchuri prince Śaṅkaragaṇa, with whose name are coupled these three Gupta epithets in the Sarasavṇī plates.3 Not far removed from Śaṅkaragaṇa was the Chalukya chieftain Vijayarāja of Gujarat known from his Kairā grant dated Kalachuri year 394. Curiously enough this grant applies to his name the following epithets:4 (1) Pṛithivyām=apratirathaḥ, (2) Chatur-udadhi-salil-āsvādita-yaśāḥ and (3) Dhanada-Varuṇ-Ēndr-Āntaka-sama-sama-prabhāvaḥ. It thus seems that this Gupta titular formulary was imitated by other royal families and was prevalent up till the middle of the seventh century.

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       Samudragupta was not only a first-rate soldier but also a king of exceptional ability. He was also endowed with varied gifts. By his praiseworthy qualities and good deeds, Harishēṇa tells us, he wiped out the fame of other monarchs. He was master alike in causing the prosperity of the good and obeisance. His mind had taken up the solemn vow to raise the miserable, the humble, the forlorn and the distressed. Much other general and vague praise has been lavished by Harishēṇa upon Samudragupta. Praise of this character is just what might be expected in a composition of the praśasti type, such as the Allahabad pillar inscription, no doubt, is. And consequently when the court panegyrist goes further, and says that Samudragupta “put to shame (Bṛihaspati) the preceptor of the lord of gods, Tumburu, Nārada and others by his sharp and polished intellect and musical performances respectively” (No. 1, line 27), one is apt to think that is exaggeration, pure and simple, and contains no grain of truth at all. But he cannot but be agreeably surprised when he considers one type of the king’s coins, where Samudragupta is represented as wearing a waistcloth, close-fitting cap, necklace, earrings and armlets, and seated, cross-legged, on a high-backed couch, with a musical instrument lying on his knees, the hand pressing it on the left thigh and the right playing on the strings.5 Surely, the monarch would not have figured as a lyrist on his coins, if he had not been something like an expert in instrumental music. In fact, no other Gupta sovereign is represented as playing on a lyre. When Harishēṇa, therefore, says that the king surpassed the heavenly musicians in his musical performances, we cannot help admitting that, after all, there is a kernel of truth in the shell of his poetic hyperbole. And for the same reason it must be admitted that there is some grain of truth also in the other statement, namely, that he excelled Bṛihaspati in respect of his sharp and polished intellect. We know that
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1 It is worthy of note that this epithet has been associated also with Kumāragupta I in the Karamdaṇḍā stone inscription (No. 21 below).
2 BG., Vol. 1, part ii, pp. 390 ff.
3 Ep. Ind., Vol. VI, p. 298, line 9 and p. 299, note 9. [Cf. also CII,Vol IV, p. 54.-Ed.]
4 Ind. Ant., Vol. VII, p. 248, lines 5-6. [Cf. CII, Vol. IV, p. 169.-Ed.]
5 Allan, Catalogue of the Coins of the Gupta Dynasty, p. 18; V. A. Smith, Catalogue of the Coins in the Indian Museum, Vol. I, p. 100.

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