The Indian Analyst
 

North Indian Inscriptions

 

 

Contents

Introduction

Contents

Preface

List of Plates

Abbreviations

Additions and Corrections

Images

Introduction

Political History

Administration

Social History

Religious History

Literary History

Gupta Era

Krita Era

Texts and Translations

The Gupta Inscriptions

Index

Other South-Indian Inscriptions 

Volume 1

Volume 2

Volume 3

Vol. 4 - 8

Volume 9

Volume 10

Volume 11

Volume 12

Volume 13

Volume 14

Volume 15

Volume 16

Volume 17

Volume 18

Volume 19

Volume 20

Volume 22
Part 1

Volume 22
Part 2

Volume 23

Volume 24

Volume 26

Volume 27

Tiruvarur

Darasuram

Konerirajapuram

Tanjavur

Annual Reports 1935-1944

Annual Reports 1945- 1947

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 2, Part 2

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 7, Part 3

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 1

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 2

Epigraphica Indica

Epigraphia Indica Volume 3

Epigraphia
Indica Volume 4

Epigraphia Indica Volume 6

Epigraphia Indica Volume 7

Epigraphia Indica Volume 8

Epigraphia Indica Volume 27

Epigraphia Indica Volume 29

Epigraphia Indica Volume 30

Epigraphia Indica Volume 31

Epigraphia Indica Volume 32

Paramaras Volume 7, Part 2

Śilāhāras Volume 6, Part 2

Vākāṭakas Volume 5

Early Gupta Inscriptions

Archaeological Links

Archaeological-Survey of India

Pudukkottai

POLITICAL HISTORY

Bṛihaspati was the counsellor of Indra, the ruler of the gods. Bṛihaspati was also the reputed founder of a school of Daṇḍanīti.1 Consequently, when Harishēṇa compares his lord and master to Bṛihaspati, what he apparently means is that Samudragupta surpassed the counsellor of Indra in point of diplomacy and state-craft. This is obviously indicated by the differences noticeable in the nature of his conquests and invasions. This we have expatiated upon above, but these we may briefly recapitulate here. In regard to some kings, he followed the policy of prasabh-ōddharaṇa, ‘violent extermination’. These were the rulers of Āryāvarta, whose dominions were conterminous with those of the Gupta family which he had inherited from his father. In regard to the tribes and princes who formed the outer fringe of the Gupta kingdom, his policy was that of prachaṇḍa-śāsana, that is, of exacting tribute, obedience and obeisance of various kinds. So far, in regard to North India. It was, however, absolutely necessary for him to conquer also, as his aspiration was that of a Chāturanta, or Chakravartin, the ideal set before a king by the Arthaśāstra. He therefore subjugated Dakshiṇāpatha by means of grahaṇa-mōksha, which, as we have seen above, was the policy of a dharma-vijayin. Pari passu with these modes of conquest he adopted the policy of utsanna-rāja-vaṁśa-pratishṭhāpana, ‘the re-establishment of the royal families (already) overthrown’. This naturally involved a reshuffling of kingdoms which must have made the Gupta government much stronger than it was ever before. This was one great triumph of his foreign policy. When, in this manner, he succeeded in making himself master of practically the whole of India, the distant independent monarchs, who were ruling over provinces on the outskirts of this country, became panicky and entered into various kinds of alliances with the Gupta sovereign. It was by these multifarious policies that Samudragupta raised himself to the indisputable rank of the Supreme Ruler of India. He was thus an adept in state-craft and foreign policy. It is but just and proper that he should be compared to Bṛihaspati by Harishēṇa. The keynote to his phenomenal success was ‘severity tempered with mercy’. This is clear from another statement of Harishēṇa where he informs us that Samudragupta’s “Āyukta Officers were always occupied with the restoration of the wealth (vibhava) of many of the kings conquered by the strength of his own arms.” His policy was thus that of a foresighted ruler with an iron hand in velvet glove.

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       Let us, however, return to the consideration of the varied gifts of imagination that he possessed. One of these was certainly the musical sense that had been developed in him to an eminent degree. This trait of his artistic calibre we have already touched upon. He displayed proficiency also in another fine art. He was an ardent devotee not only of the Muse of Music but also of the Muse of Poetry. In the verse portion of the Allahabad inscription, Harishēṇa tells us that the king’s “poetry outdistances the glory of the genius of the poets.” In the prose portion (line 27) we are informed that the monarch’s title to Kavirāja was established through many poetic compositions which would be a source of living to the literate class.” Kavirāja literally means ‘a king of poets’, but is also a technical term.2 It has been defined by Rājaśēkhara as follows: Yas=tu tatra tatra bhāshā-viśēshēshu tēshu tēshu prabandhēshu, tasmiṁs=tasmiṁs=cha rasē svatantraḥ sa kavirājaḥ | tē yadi jagaty=api katipayē,3 “But that (person) is a Kavirāja who is a master of manifold specific languages, of manifold forms of composition, and of manifold sentiments. If they (exist), they are very few in the world.” The specific languages here referred to denote apparently Sanskrit, Prakrit and Apabhraṁśa. As regards the various forms of composition and the various sentiments with which a Kavirāja
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1 D. R. Bhandarkar, Some Aspects of Ancient Hindu Polity, pp. 6, 12, 25, etc.
2 Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Studies in Gupta History, (University Supplement of JIH.), p. 42.
3 Kāvyamīmāṁsā (G.O.S., No. 1) ed. by C. D. Dalal, p. 19. See also Intro., p. xiv, where Dalal informs us that “Rājaśēkhara calls himself not a Mahākavi, but a Kavirāja” and quotes in support of it bāla-kaï kaī-rāō from Karpūramañjarī, I. 9.

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