The Indian Analyst
 

North Indian Inscriptions

 

 

Contents

Introduction

Contents

Preface

List of Plates

Abbreviations

Additions and Corrections

Images

Introduction

Political History

Administration

Social History

Religious History

Literary History

Gupta Era

Krita Era

Texts and Translations

The Gupta Inscriptions

Index

Other South-Indian Inscriptions 

Volume 1

Volume 2

Volume 3

Vol. 4 - 8

Volume 9

Volume 10

Volume 11

Volume 12

Volume 13

Volume 14

Volume 15

Volume 16

Volume 17

Volume 18

Volume 19

Volume 20

Volume 22
Part 1

Volume 22
Part 2

Volume 23

Volume 24

Volume 26

Volume 27

Tiruvarur

Darasuram

Konerirajapuram

Tanjavur

Annual Reports 1935-1944

Annual Reports 1945- 1947

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 2, Part 2

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 7, Part 3

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 1

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 2

Epigraphica Indica

Epigraphia Indica Volume 3

Epigraphia
Indica Volume 4

Epigraphia Indica Volume 6

Epigraphia Indica Volume 7

Epigraphia Indica Volume 8

Epigraphia Indica Volume 27

Epigraphia Indica Volume 29

Epigraphia Indica Volume 30

Epigraphia Indica Volume 31

Epigraphia Indica Volume 32

Paramaras Volume 7, Part 2

Śilāhāras Volume 6, Part 2

Vākāṭakas Volume 5

Early Gupta Inscriptions

Archaeological Links

Archaeological-Survey of India

Pudukkottai

THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS

about (their) health, inform the husbandmen of the village Chaṇḍaka who are inferior Ryots and are presided over by the Brāhmaṇas, as follows:

       (Lines 3-6) The village headman Nābhaka, has petitioned to us: ‘for the augmentation of (my) parents’ and my own spiritual merit, I am desirious of settling down certain venerable Brāhmaṇas. Deign ye, therefore, to do me the favour of (granting) waste land, excluded from revenue and not yielding (anything), according to the rule of sale customary in the village, after accepting gold from me.’

       (Lines 6-11) “Whereas it has been determined by the record-keeper Patradāsa that ‘this is a case (falling) under the rule of sale and that (land) may be granted to him for the augmentation of the good fortune of the venerable Paramabhaṭṭāraka Mahārāja, in the receipt of two dīnāras from the hands of Nābhaka and on (the same) being credited (to the treasury) by Sthāṇavila and Kapila-Śrībhadra, one kulyavāpa of waste land, (excluded) from revenue (and) not yielding (anything), has been assigned to him, as determined by the determination of that same Patradāsa, (somewhere) on the south, west and east of the boundary of Satya on the north side of the Vāyi village. And this should be allotted to Nābhaka after being inspected by the husbandmen under the (Ashṭakula) Board headed by Mahattara, after severing it with eight (-cubit) by nine (-cubit) nalas1 and without detriment to (their) culti-
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Chapter VII with reference to the head of the village, who had the right to enjoy several privileges, e.g., to use for himself the king’s dues received from the villagers” (Ep. Ind., Vol. XV, p. 137 and note 3). It is, however, forgotten that grāmika occurs not only in line 3 but also in line 4 and that in both cases it should be taken in the same sense. But, whereas, in line 3 the word is taken by Basak to signify ‘the village-head,’ in line 4 it is taken by him in the sense of ‘of this village’. Besides, as has just been pointed out, mahattara apparently denotes the Head of the village community. Grāmika had thus better be taken in the sense of ‘a village headman,’ so as to suit both the places where it occurs.
1 Nala ordinarily means ‘a reed,’ but here it denotes the measuring reed. The expression ashṭaka-navaka-nalā bhyām occurs also in line 18 of Baigram Copper-Plate Inscription (Ep. Ind. Vol. XXI, pp. 81 ff.). The same expression is found in the Faridpur plates (Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, pp. 200 ff.), but here nala has been used in the singular. In regard to the measurement of land in East Bengal, F. E. Pargiter makes the following pertinent remarks: “The commonest land-measure in the eastern districts of Bengal has been the kāṇi, though it is now being superseded by the standard Government bighā. It is not a square, but an oblong. Its dimensions vary in different localities, its measurements being 24X20 reeds or 24X16, or 12X10. (Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, p. 215)”. It seems that this land-measure in the Gupta period was 9X8, that is to say, one side of it was a Nala nine cubits in length and the other a Nala eight cubits in breadth. The Nala measure varied in different localities and at different periods in Bengal. But it was always measured in terms of hasta. Thus the Tarpaṇadīghi plate of Lakshmaṇasēna has tatratya-dēśa-vyavahāra-nalēna (Inscrs. of Bengal, Vol. III p. 102, line 36) and the Gōvindapur plate of the same ferent districts had Nalas of different measure in the Sēna period and that in the Vardhamāna bhukti the Nala measured 56 hastas or cubits. There was also an attempt in the Sēna period to have a standard Nala. Thus, we find the expression Vṛishabhaśaṅkara-nala in the Sēna records (ibid., p. 74, line 45; p. 87, lines 36—37), where Vṛisha-bhaśaṅkara is doubtless the biruda of Vijayasēna. It is true that in the Sēna epoch the land was measured by the linear Nala but prior to the time of the Pālas it was by the oblong Nala, as we have seen above. But this oblong Nala was 9 hastas long and 8 hastas broad. That after ashṭaka and navaka the expression ashṭaka-navaka-nalābhyām, hasta is understood, may be seen from the fact that it is immediately preceded by Darvvikarma-hastēna in the Baigram plate mentioned above, which obviously means ‘in accordance with the hand of Darvvīkarma.’ A similar expression occurs in two of the Faridpur grants referred to above, namely, Śivachandra-hast-āshṭaka-navaka-nalēna, where it has been rendered by Pargiter by “according to the standard measure of eight reeds in breadth and nine reeds in length by the hand of . . . . Śivachandra” (Ind. Ant., Vol. XXXIX, pp. 202 and 205). That somebody, a king or an officer fixed up the standard hasta can scarcely be doubted. The phrase Vṛishabhaśaṅkara-nala has already been referred to. We may also draw attention to Chandradāsa-karaṇasya nala-pramāṇēna and Śrīkaraṇa-Śivadāsa-nāmaka-nala-pramā ṇēna (JASB., 1896, Pt. I, p. 255, line 2; p. 256, line 12). The hasta was no doubt, sometimes that of the king, as the phrase Vṛishabhaśaṅkara-nala indicates. Sometimes it denoted that of a holy man, because Śivachandra whose hasta has been adverted to in the Faridpur grants has been described as dharmaśīla, ‘righteous.’ Whether it similarly denoted the hasta of the officer Karaṇa or Śrīkaraṇa mentioned in the aforesaid Orissa plates is doubtful. What is here intended is that they fixed how many hastas a Nala should comprise and of what length a hasta should ............................................................................................................(Contd. on p. 339)

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