Contents |
Index
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Introduction
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Contents
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List of Plates
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Additions and Corrections
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Images
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Contents |
Chaudhury, P.D.
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Chhabra, B.ch.
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DE, S. C.
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Desai, P. B.
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Dikshit, M. G.
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Krishnan, K. G.
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Desai, P. B
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Krishna Rao, B. V.
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Lakshminarayan Rao, N., M.A.
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Mirashi, V. V.
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Narasimhaswami, H. K.
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Pandeya, L. P.,
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Sircar, D. C.
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Venkataramayya, M., M.A.,
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Venkataramanayya, N., M.A.
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Index-By A. N. Lahiri
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Other
South-Indian Inscriptions
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Volume
1
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Volume
2
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Volume
3
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Vol.
4 - 8
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Volume 9
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Volume 10
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Volume 11
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Volume 12
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Volume 13
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Volume
14
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Volume 15
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Volume 16
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Volume 17
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Volume 18
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Volume
19
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Volume
20
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Volume 22 Part 1
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Volume
22 Part 2
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Volume
23
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Volume
24 |
Volume
26
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Volume 27 |
Tiruvarur
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Darasuram
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Konerirajapuram
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Tanjavur |
Annual Reports 1935-1944
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Annual Reports 1945- 1947
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Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 2, Part 2
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Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 7, Part 3
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Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 1
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Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 2
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Epigraphica Indica
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Epigraphia Indica Volume 3
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Epigraphia Indica Volume 4
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Epigraphia Indica Volume 6
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Epigraphia Indica Volume 7
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Epigraphia Indica Volume 8
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Epigraphia Indica Volume 27
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Epigraphia Indica Volume 29
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Epigraphia Indica Volume 30
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Epigraphia Indica Volume 31
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Epigraphia Indica Volume 32
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Paramaras Volume 7, Part 2
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Śilāhāras Volume 6, Part 2
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Vākāṭakas Volume 5
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Early Gupta Inscriptions
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Archaeological
Links
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Archaeological-Survey
of India
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Pudukkottai
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EPIGRAPHIA INDICA
Elasewhere[1] it was suggested that Śivakara I-Unmaṭṭasiṁha-Bharasaha, the second ruler of the
family, was probably installed by Harsha during his Kōṅgōda expedition about 643 A. C. as his
feudatory in Orissa. This date for Śivakara I Unmaṭṭasiṁha was taken to be supported by the
Gañjām inscription[2] which may suggest that Unmaṭṭakēsarin (ºsiṁha), stationed at Virajas, conquered parts of Kōṅgōdamaṇḍala from Gaṅga Jayavarman of Śvētaka with the help of his feudatory
Rāṇaka Vishavārṇava sometimes after the Gaṅga year which may possibly be read as 120 falling
in 616-18 A. C.[3] Virajas is no doubt the same as Viraja or Virajā, identified with modern Jājpur
in the Cuttack District. One of the Parlakimedi plates[4] of Ga6ṅga Jayavarman was taken to be a
copy of a genuine record of the sixth or seventh century, to which period the original records of the
Gaṅga king are palaeographically assigned.[5] Now the Parlakimedi record referred to above is
dated in the year 100 of the Gaṅga era, which falls in 596-98 A.C. Thus the reign of Śivakara I
Unmaṭṭasiṁha was assigned to a date about the second quarter of the seventh century, the end
of the dynasty to the early years of the ninth century and the rule off queen Daṇḍimahādēvī to
the close of the eighth century. There is, however, some difficulty in accepting this chronology
of the Bhauma-Karas of Orissa especially in view of the late date suggested by the palaeography
of their records.
In 795 A.C. the Chinese emperor Te-tsong received, as a token of homage, an autographed
manuscript addressed to him by the king of Wu-cha (i.e., Ōḍra, Orissa) in Southern India, who
was a follower of Mahāyāna Buddhism and whose name, translated into Chinese, was “ the
fortunate monarch who does what is pure, the lion.”[6] This piece of evidence cannot be easily
reconciled with the chronology of the Bhauma-Karas indicated above. The original of the name
is supposed to be śrī-Śubhakaradēva Kēsarī (Siṁha) who is often identified with king Śubhākara
I of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty. If this identification is to be accepted, we have to assign Daṇḍimahādēvī’s reign to the middle of the tenth century and to suggest that the era used by the Bhauma-Karas started form the regnal reckoning of the founder of the dynasty. As however the names
Śubhākara and Śubhakara are quite different in meaning, it is difficult to be definite on this point.
Dr. R. C. Majumdar suggested to me that the king of Orissa mentioned in the Chinese record
should be identified with Śivakara I Unmaṭṭasiṁha (or ºkēsarī), father of Śubhākara I. It has to
be admitted that this is the only known king of early-medieval Orissa who was a Buddhist and at the
same time had a name with the word “ lion ” as one of its component parts. But the word śiva
does not mean “ pure ” and unmaṭṭa-siṁha means a “ furious lion,” unmaṭṭa being a Prakrit
corruption of Sanskrit unmatta, and none of these words can be traced in the Chinese translation of
the Indian name. The chronology of the Bhauma-Karas based on the above identification therefore cannot be regarded as absolutely certain. It may not be impossible that the Orissan king
mentioned in the Chinese records belonged to a different dynasty of rulers, who flourished in the last
decade of the eighth century but had nothing to do with the Bhauma-Karas. It must be admitted
that the identification is a mere conjecture and we shall have to wait for further evidence to be
definite in regard to the chronology of the Bhauma-Kara dynasty and the identity of the Orissan
king mentioned in the Chinese records.[7]
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[1] Cf. Journ. Kal. Hist. Res. Soc., Vol. II, pp. 103-05.
[2] IHQ. Vol. XII, pp. 492-93.
[3] See JKHRS, Vol. I, pp. 219-21 ; Vol. II, pp. 103-05.
[4] Above, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 268-69.
[5] Ibid., p. 261.
[6] Above, Vol. XV, pp. 363-64. Dr. P. C. Bagehi writes to me : “ A more literal translation of the king’s
name and title would be ‘ the auspicious lord pure-doing-lion king.’ The literal Sanskrit restoration looks more
sensible : śrī-īśvara-Śubhakarasiṁha-rāja. The name was evidently understood in Chinese as Śubhakara.”
[7] For new evidence regarding the beginning of the Bhauma-Kara era about 820-25 A. C., see our article
entitled “Two Grants from Daspalla” to be published in this journal.
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