The Indian Analyst
 

South Indian Inscriptions

 

 

Contents

Index

Introduction

Contents

List of Plates

Additions and Corrections

Images

Authors

Contents

D. R. Bhat

P. B. Desai

Krishna Deva

G. S. Gai

B R. Gopal & Shrinivas Ritti

V. B. Kolte

D. G. Koparkar

K. G. Krishnan

H. K. Narasimhaswami & K. G. Krishana

K. A. Nilakanta Sastri & T. N. Subramaniam

Sadhu Ram

S. Sankaranarayanan

P. Seshadri Sastri

M. Somasekhara Sarma

D. C. Sircar

D. C. Sircar & K. G. Krishnan

D. C. Sircar & P. Seshadri Sastri

K. D. Swaminathan

N. Venkataramanayya & M. Somasekhara Sarma

Index

Other South-Indian Inscriptions 

Volume 1

Volume 2

Volume 3

Vol. 4 - 8

Volume 9

Volume 10

Volume 11

Volume 12

Volume 13

Volume 14

Volume 15

Volume 16

Volume 17

Volume 18

Volume 19

Volume 20

Volume 22
Part 1

Volume 22
Part 2

Volume 23

Volume 24

Volume 26

Volume 27

Tiruvarur

Darasuram

Konerirajapuram

Tanjavur

Annual Reports 1935-1944

Annual Reports 1945- 1947

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 2, Part 2

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 7, Part 3

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 1

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 2

Epigraphica Indica

Epigraphia Indica Volume 3

Epigraphia
Indica Volume 4

Epigraphia Indica Volume 6

Epigraphia Indica Volume 7

Epigraphia Indica Volume 8

Epigraphia Indica Volume 27

Epigraphia Indica Volume 29

Epigraphia Indica Volume 30

Epigraphia Indica Volume 31

Epigraphia Indica Volume 32

Paramaras Volume 7, Part 2

Śilāhāras Volume 6, Part 2

Vākāṭakas Volume 5

Early Gupta Inscriptions

Archaeological Links

Archaeological-Survey of India

Pudukkottai

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA

kinds of harrassment of the persons guilty of certain crimes but even the death of some of the criminals. This throws some light on the responsibility of the public for the preservation of law and order and attaches a special interest to the inscription. Documents relating to this aspect of early Indian life have been discovered in large numbers in South India ; but epigraphic evidence on the subject is meager with reference to North India. The inscription under study shows that conditions in the north were practically similar to those prevailing in the South during the early medieval period. In this connection, it is also interesting to note the ancient Indian attitude towards thefts and murders committed in a village, for which often the landlord or the villagers themselves were held responsible for tracing the thief or murderer or otherwise for compensating the aggrieved party.[1]

Verse 2 says that, on the date discussed above, the Dvijas or Brāhmaṇas assembled at Lāhaḍapura and drafted the sthiti recorded in the inscription and that they made the saṁvid in question because they were what is called vaṭu-ṭuṇṭ-ābhibhūta. Lāhaḍapura has been referred to as a grāma in verse 3 below. But whether the word grāma here indicates merely a village or a bigger area with its centre at Lāhaḍapura is difficult to determine. The word sthiti has been used in the verse apparently to indicate ‘ a fixed decision, ordinance or decree ’ and saṁvid in the sense of ‘ a mutual agreement or contract ’. The nature of our document is thus that of what is called a sthiti-patraka in Smṛiti literature, which is a document recording the fixed decision of a corporate body.[2] But the calamity called vaṭu-ṭuṇṭa (or ºṭuṇṭā), by which the Dvijas are stated to have been overwhelmed (abhibhūta), is difficult to explain. The word vaṭu or baṭu means a youngster especially of the Brāhmaṇa class but is also contemptuously applied to adult persons ; but the word ṭuṇṭa (or ṭuṇṭā) is not found in Sanskrit. The Hindi lexicons, however, recognise the word ḍhuṇḍh in the sense of ‘a thief, robber or swindler’, and it is not impossible that ṭuṇṭa in our inscription is a Sanskritised form of it. It may also be suggested that ṭuṇṭā is a mistake for lunṭā used in the sense of a robber or robbery in the present context, although it is recognised in the lexicons in the adjectival sense of ‘ robbing ’. Thus a gang of robbers seems to have been operating in the area around Lāhaḍapura and the local people were suffering from their depredations. The learned Brāhmaṇas of the area, probably being the leaders of the local society, therefore assembled to find out a remedy for the menace and they came to a decision which is quoted in the following stanzas of the inscription.

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Verse 3 suggests that the unsocial activities were meant for the parivāda of the Dviyas. The word parivāda here appears to be used in the sense of ‘ ill-repute ’. The idea seems to be that the depredations of the unsocial elements were considered by the leaders of the society as conceived in order to put them to shame. It is only another way of saying that the elders responsible for law and order in the village were discredited by the successful operations of the marauders.

Verses 3 ff. contain the text of the sthiti or saṁvid referred to earlier in verse 2. Verses 3-4 state that the person who would plunder the grāma or village (apparently meaning Lāhaḍapura) or would be guilty of a drōha (mischief) of any other king [to its inhabitants], such as the seizure of the cattle (gō-mahishy-ādi-vēshṭana) [of the villagers], should be killed at once and his whole property should be confiscated, while his abettor (upashṭamoha-dāyaka) should be expelled [from the village] and his house [in the village] should be demolished. This shows that the robbers referred to were among the inhabitants of Lāhaḍapura and its immediate neighbourhood. In

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[1] Cf. Yājñavalkyasmṛiti, II, verses 271-72.
[2] Cf. Kane, Kātyāyanasārōddhāra, v. 254 : Chāturvidya-pura-śrēṇi-gaṇa-paur-ādika-sthitiḥ | tat-siddhy-arthē tu yal-lēkhyaṁ tad=bhavēt sthiti-patrakam ||

See also Brihaspati in SBE, Vol. XXXIII, p. 305. For saṁvid, see Manusmṛiti, VIII, 19 : yō grāma-dēśa-saṁghānāṁ kṛitva satyēna saṁvidam | visaṁvadēn=narō lōbhāt=taṁ rāshṭrād=vinivāsayēt ||

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