The Indian Analyst
 

South Indian Inscriptions

 

 

Contents

Index

Introduction

Contents

Additions and Corrections

Images

Contents

Dr. Bhandarkar

J.F. Fleet

Prof. E. Hultzsch

Prof. F. Kielhorn

Rev. F. Kittel

H. Krishna Sastri

H. Luders

Vienna

V. Venkayya

Index

List of Plates

Other South-Indian Inscriptions 

Volume 1

Volume 2

Volume 3

Vol. 4 - 8

Volume 9

Volume 10

Volume 11

Volume 12

Volume 13

Volume 14

Volume 15

Volume 16

Volume 17

Volume 18

Volume 19

Volume 20

Volume 22
Part 1

Volume 22
Part 2

Volume 23

Volume 24

Volume 26

Volume 27

Tiruvarur

Darasuram

Konerirajapuram

Tanjavur

Annual Reports 1935-1944

Annual Reports 1945- 1947

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 2, Part 2

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 7, Part 3

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 1

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 2

Epigraphica Indica

Epigraphia Indica Volume 3

Epigraphia
Indica Volume 4

Epigraphia Indica Volume 6

Epigraphia Indica Volume 7

Epigraphia Indica Volume 8

Epigraphia Indica Volume 27

Epigraphia Indica Volume 29

Epigraphia Indica Volume 30

Epigraphia Indica Volume 31

Epigraphia Indica Volume 32

Paramaras Volume 7, Part 2

Śilāhāras Volume 6, Part 2

Vākāṭakas Volume 5

Early Gupta Inscriptions

Archaeological Links

Archaeological-Survey of India

Pudukkottai

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA

understand how Malla, who calls himself “ the friend of eminent poets,” could deviate from the rule laid down by Nâgavarma. Accordingly verse 302 of the Prosody will have to be interpreted differently. I would translate it thus : “ Ajagaṇa comes in the beginning without fail ; then (come) five gaṇas which are vishṇu ; in the place called the end (i.e. at the end), the rudragaṇa will remain permanently everywhere (i.e. in all the feet) ; in the foot counted the second,─ if in the sixth (place) the ajagaṇa occurs in intimate connection, at the choice of the author,─ we (then) have the wonderful (i.e. rarely used metre) Piriyakkara, O moon-faced one !” Thus we see that, the occurrence of the ajagaṇa in the sixth place being left to the option of the author, Malla adopted the vishṇugaṇa throughout. As regards Lalitavṛitta, it may be noticed that the name given to it by Dr. Kittel’s manuscript, viz. Lalitapada, over verse 233 of the Prosody, is rather misleading. The name occurs as Lalitavṛitta in the very verse which describes it, as well as in the subjoined inscription. If this name is not given to the metre, it is likely to be confounded with other Sanskṛit metres of the same name. It may be noted also that, according to a few manuscripts, Nâgavarma claims to have been the inventor of these two metres ; see Dr. Kittel’s introduction to Nâgavarma’s Canarese Prosody, p. xix.” To this I would add that there is one verse in the Piriyakkara metre in Argaḷadêva’s Chandraprabhapurâṇa (1189 A.D.), âśvâsa iv. v. 18.[1] Other Piriyakkaras occur in the Pampabhârata edited by Mr. Rice, pp. 112, 116, 153, 343, and Akkaras on pp. 331, 343.

Verse 1 of the inscription contains the date,─ a specified week-day and tithi in the Śaka year 979 (in words), the cyclic year Hêmalambin, and the sixth year of the reign of the Chôḷa king Râjêndradêva. Professor Kielhorn has calculated the details of the date and found that it corresponds to Monday, the 27th October A.D. 1057.[2] A reference to Râjêndradêva’s predecessor Râjâdhirâja is found in Jayaṅgoṇḍa-Chôḷa-Permâḍi-Gâvuṇḍa, a surname of Raviga of Nugunâḍu (v. 7), which is derived from Jayaṅgoṇḍa-Chôḷa, one of the names of Râjâdhirâja.[3] The same verse of the inscription mentions, among other kings, Siḷâmêgha who seems to be identical with one of the two Ceylon kings named Vîra-Śalâmêgan. The first of them was killed by Râjâdhirâja,[4] and the second by Râjêndradêva.[5]

Two families of Kuḍiyas (Śûdras) (vv. 6, 8, 9 and 22) are named in the inscription, viz. the Avacha family of Nugunâḍu (vv. 2, 6, 17, 19 and 22) and the Kuruvanda family of Pervayal in Navalenâḍu (vv. 13 and 17). To the first one belonged Raviga (v. 4), who was raised by the Chôḷa king to the rank of superintendent of a province (v. 8). Raviga’s principal seat became Beḷatûru (v. 11), and he married Ponnakka, the daughter of the headman of Nâlgôṇḍu in Eḍenâḍu (v. 10), whose name is not mentioned. Raviga’s daughter Dêkabbe was given in marriage to Êcha of the Kuruvanda family (v. 13). When the king killed Êcha at Talekâḍu (v. 14), his widow committed herself to the flames (vv. 15 to 20). Before her end she granted to Śiva a garden for a perpetual lamp, and a paddy-field for oblations (v. 18 f. and l. 33 f.). Dêkabbe’s father, Raviga, set up the stone which bears the inscription, as a memorial of his daughter (v. 22).

Of the localities mentioned in this inscription, Beḷatûru (v. 11) is identical with the village where the inscription exists. Talekâḍu (v. 14) is the old capital of the Western Gaṅgas,[6] at which the Chôḷa king seems to have been staying at the time of the inscription. Nugunâḍu is, perhaps, named after the river Nugu (also called Bhṛigu), a tributary of the

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[1] In my manuscript the verse reads thus :─ Toreyal=end=irdda râjyaman enitirdduṁ mareyal=end=idirdda bandhu-samûhamaṁ nerapal=end=irdda sat-tavô-vṛittiyaṁ marad=atirâga-vihvaḷateyindaṁ | toreyade mareyade nereyad=âyushyaṁ pare paḍuvâgaḷe berchchid-ante maraguva manuḷaṁg=ârayvand=î bhavaṁ maru-bhavaṁ nâḍeyuṁ vyarttham alte ||
[2] Above, p. 23, No. 36.
[3] South-Ind. Inscr. Vol. III. p. 51.
[4] Ibid. pp. 53 and 56.
[5] Ibid. pp. 59 and 63.
[6] See Dr. Fleet’s Dyn. Kan. Distr. p. 299 and note 2.

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