The Indian Analyst
 

North Indian Inscriptions

 

 

Contents

Index

Introduction

Contents

Contents

Preface

Additions and Corrections

Introduction

Images

Texts and Translations 

Part - A

Part - B

Other South-Indian Inscriptions 

Volume 1

Volume 2

Volume 3

Vol. 4 - 8

Volume 9

Volume 10

Volume 11

Volume 12

Volume 13

Volume 14

Volume 15

Volume 16

Volume 17

Volume 18

Volume 19

Volume 20

Volume 22
Part 1

Volume 22
Part 2

Volume 23

Volume 24

Volume 26

Volume 27

Tiruvarur

Darasuram

Konerirajapuram

Tanjavur

Annual Reports 1935-1944

Annual Reports 1945- 1947

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 2, Part 2

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 7, Part 3

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 1

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 2

Epigraphica Indica

Epigraphia Indica Volume 3

Epigraphia
Indica Volume 4

Epigraphia Indica Volume 6

Epigraphia Indica Volume 7

Epigraphia Indica Volume 8

Epigraphia Indica Volume 27

Epigraphia Indica Volume 29

Epigraphia Indica Volume 30

Epigraphia Indica Volume 31

Epigraphia Indica Volume 32

Paramaras Volume 7, Part 2

Śilāhāras Volume 6, Part 2

Vākāṭakas Volume 5

Early Gupta Inscriptions

Archaeological Links

Archaeological-Survey of India

Pudukkottai

PART B

opposed to the canonical texts. On the contrary the visit of Ajātasattu is depicted even in details exactly according to the Sāmaññaphalasutta (DN. I, 47 ff.). In the same way the representation of the visit of Sakka follows the text of the Sakkapañhasutta (DN., II, 263 ff.). Even the name of the cave in the label (Idasālaguha) is the same as in Pāli, while with the Sarvāstivādins it occurs as Indraśailaguhā.

   Moreover, the depictions of the non-canonical legends also show the greatest conformity with the Pāli version. This, for instance, holds good for the Erapatta-legend, treated below under B 36 and B 37.

   It is doubtful whether in the relief representing the donation of the Jetavana, a deviation from the later Pāli sources is to be seen. I am showing below[1] that the relief, in so far as it is also a depiction of the miracle of Śrāvastī, represents a version of the legend older than the one in the Pāli commentaries. Nevertheless the close relation with the tradition of the Theras comes to light, when we compare it with the version in the text of the Mūlasarvāstivādins, which differs to a greater extent.

   In these circumstances even the occurrence of persons as the devaputra Arahagutta (B 20), unknown to the Pāli commentary literature, in the Bhārhut reliefs does not prove that the artists followed a tradition different from that of the Theras.

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   There is, as far as I see, in Bhārhut only one deviation from the Pāli canon, viz. the representation of the Bodhi tree of Buddha Vipassin (treated under B 13). I am not able to give a satisfactory explanation. It is quite improbable that the text in the Mahāpadānasutta has been afterwards changed. It seems that here in fact the tradition of a different school comes to light which found its way into the pictorial art, for also in Sāñchī, the Aśoka appears as the Bodhi tree of Vipassin. The Kharoshṭhī letters used as marks of the sculptors on the eastern gate make it probable that also the artists from the North-West of India were at work at Bhārhut. Perhaps the Vipassin-medallion which differs[2] also stylistically from the type of, the representation of Bodhi trees common in Bhārhut is the work of some artist from the North-West. Be it as it may, I do not believe that this quite unique case can weaken the argument that the artists of Bhārhut in general followed in their work the tradition of the Theras as it was laid down in the canonical Pāli texts.

   3. I cannot enter here into a full discussion on the second point raised by Foucher against the use of the Pāli Jātaka collection, as the explanation of the linguistic deviations in the labels from the Pāli would require a special treatise. I intend to give it on a different occasion, and hope to be able to show that the text of the Pāli canon is translated from an older canon laid down in the popular language of Eastern India.[3] When translating into the Western language, which we are used to call Pāli, not only numerous faults occurred, but at many places the Eastern forms have been retained. So for instance, in the Eastern language the ksh of śaiksha and of bhikshu, bhikshuṇī became kkh, in the Western language, however, it became chchh. But sekkha, bhikkhu, bhikkhunī were taken over without change as technical expressions in the church language.[4] When the sculptors of Bhārhut or their employers used the forms-sechha (B 45) and bhichhunī[5] which are in conformity with the Western colloquial language, so naturally we cannot conclude therefrom that they followed
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[1]See the treatment under B 32.
[2]While in other cases always two standing worshippers only are represented behind the kneeling figures, we have here on the left side five and on the right side four standing worshippers.
[3]This treatise mentioned by Lüders has been edited by E. Waldschmidt in 1954 from fragmentary papers left by Lüders under the title “Beobachtungen über die Sprache des buddhistischen Urkanons” (Abhandlungen der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, Klasse für Sprache, Literatur und Kunst, 1952, No. 10)
[4]In the vocative plural bhikkhave, even the ending -e<-as has been retained in the Eastern form.
[5]This form occurs ten times in the inscriptions, at the side of bhikhunī appearing only five times.

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