The Indian Analyst
 

North Indian Inscriptions

 

 

Contents

Index

Introduction

Contents

Contents

Preface

Additions and Corrections

Introduction

Images

Texts and Translations 

Part - A

Part - B

Other South-Indian Inscriptions 

Volume 1

Volume 2

Volume 3

Vol. 4 - 8

Volume 9

Volume 10

Volume 11

Volume 12

Volume 13

Volume 14

Volume 15

Volume 16

Volume 17

Volume 18

Volume 19

Volume 20

Volume 22
Part 1

Volume 22
Part 2

Volume 23

Volume 24

Volume 26

Volume 27

Tiruvarur

Darasuram

Konerirajapuram

Tanjavur

Annual Reports 1935-1944

Annual Reports 1945- 1947

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 2, Part 2

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 7, Part 3

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 1

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 2

Epigraphica Indica

Epigraphia Indica Volume 3

Epigraphia
Indica Volume 4

Epigraphia Indica Volume 6

Epigraphia Indica Volume 7

Epigraphia Indica Volume 8

Epigraphia Indica Volume 27

Epigraphia Indica Volume 29

Epigraphia Indica Volume 30

Epigraphia Indica Volume 31

Epigraphia Indica Volume 32

Paramaras Volume 7, Part 2

Śilāhāras Volume 6, Part 2

Vākāṭakas Volume 5

Early Gupta Inscriptions

Archaeological Links

Archaeological-Survey of India

Pudukkottai

PART B

forest (vanyaṁ vāsaḥ) although he makes the hunter say that when he goes hunting he is accustomed to put on kāshāya in order to produce from a distance trust in the mind of the deer (ārād anena viśvāsya mṛigān nihanmi). In the prose of the Chandakinnaraj. (IV, 283, 16) it is also mentioned, without giving any special cause, that the king of Benares when he went hunting put on two kāsāyāni, and it is not necessary to imagine the kāshāya of the hunter as the robe of a Buddhist monk. The kāshāya which, according to the prose of the Jātakas, is worn by the executioner[1], and according to the Āśvalāyana Gṛihyas, 1, 19, 11 by the young Brahmin students, will have been scarcely different from the kāshāya of the hunter. Therefore in this respect it is not necessary to suppose that the sculptor of Bhārhut has deviated from the story as it is given by the Gathas.

>

  The matter seems to be different with regard to the second deviation on which Foucher lays much stress. In the relief the hunter cuts the teeth of the elephant with a saw, exactly as on the medallion from Amarāvatī, on a fresco at Ajaṇṭā, and a freeze from Gandhāra. According to the Gāthās he uses a khura for this purpose. In G. 31 the elephant says to the hunter: uṭṭhehi tvaṁ ludda khuraṁ gahetvā dante ime chhinda purā marāmi, and accordingly in the narrative Gāthā 32 we read utthāya so luddo khuraṁ gahetvā chhetvāna dantāni gajuttamassa. In the prose the instrument used is a kakacha, a saw (V, 52, 12 f.), and accordingly in the grammatical commentary of G. 31 khuraṁ is also explained by kakachaṁ. Foucher is of the opinion that the commentator goes too far when he wants us to believe that knives are saws, ‘autrement dit que les vessies sont des lanternes’. Now indeed I am also inclined to see in the commentator a man who generally is not very much worried by scruples, whether in linguistic or in material questions. Nevertheless some doubts may have come to him, as perhaps also to others, whether it is possible to cut elephant-teeth with a razor─this undoubtedly is the meaning of khura. In this case, however, I believe that he is not to be blamed for he merely became the victim of a corruption of the text. In other cases in the Gāthās where we hear of the cutting of elephant’s tusks the instrument used is called khara. In J. 545, 10 it is said achchhechchhi kaṁkhaṁ vichikichchhitāni chundo yathā nāgadantaṁ kharena, ‘you have cut off doubts and hesitations like a chunda[2] an elephant tooth with the khara’. In J. 234,1 Asitābhū says to her husband who has faithlessly left her that her love for him has vanished: so’ yam appaṭisandhiko kharachchhinnaṁ[3] va rerukaṁ ‘it is not again to be joined together as an elephant-tooth[4] cut by a khara’. The commentator explains khara in both places as kakacha ‘saw’ and although the word is missing in Sanskrit we do not have any reason to doubt the correctness of his explanation, particularly because the Abhidhānappadīpikā 967 also gives the meaning ‘saw’ for khara. Therefore the supposition lies at hand that also in the Chhaddantaj. khuraṁ has been corrupted from kharaṁ, which is more rare, and in fact the Burmese manuscript reads kharaṁ at all places. On account of this I am quite sure that even according to the Gāthās the instrument used by the hunter was a saw as well as in the other representations mentioned above, and that the Gāthās therefore do not reflect, as Foucher supposes, a version of the story older than the Bhārhut relief.
___________________________

[1]J. III, 41, 2; 179, 1.
[2]According to the context chunda seems to be a worker in ivory. The commentary explains the word by dantakāra. There must have been, however, a difference between the chundas and the dantakāras for in the list of craftsmen in Mil. 331 both appear separately: the chundas are places between the kappakas (barbers), and nahāpakas (bath attendants) on one side and the mālākāras (garland-makers), suvaṇṇakāras (goldsmiths), sajjhakāras (silversmiths) etc. on the other, whereas the dantakāras appear between the chammakāras (leather-workers), and rathakāras (chariot-markers) on the one side and the rajjukāras (rope-makers) and the kochechhakāras (comb-makers) on the other. Chunda is probably the general expression for ‘turner’ and is the same as chundakāra which in J. VI, 339, 12 certainly designates a turner.
[3]Thus we have to read instead of kharā chhinnam.
[4]This is the meaning of the word reruka according to the commentary.

Home Page

>
>