The Indian Analyst
 

South Indian Inscriptions

 

 

Contents

Index

Introduction

Contents

List of Plates

Additions and Corrections

Images

Contents

Bhandarkar

T. Bloch

J. F. Fleet

Gopinatha Rao

T. A. Gopinatha Rao and G. Venkoba Rao

Hira Lal

E. Hultzsch

F. Kielhorn

H. Krishna Sastri

H. Luders

Narayanasvami Ayyar

R. Pischel

J. Ramayya

E. Senart

V. Venkayya

G. Venkoba Rao

J. PH. Vogel

Index

Other South-Indian Inscriptions 

Volume 1

Volume 2

Volume 3

Vol. 4 - 8

Volume 9

Volume 10

Volume 11

Volume 12

Volume 13

Volume 14

Volume 15

Volume 16

Volume 17

Volume 18

Volume 19

Volume 20

Volume 22
Part 1

Volume 22
Part 2

Volume 23

Volume 24

Volume 26

Volume 27

Tiruvarur

Darasuram

Konerirajapuram

Tanjavur

Annual Reports 1935-1944

Annual Reports 1945- 1947

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 2, Part 2

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 7, Part 3

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 1

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 2

Epigraphica Indica

Epigraphia Indica Volume 3

Epigraphia
Indica Volume 4

Epigraphia Indica Volume 6

Epigraphia Indica Volume 7

Epigraphia Indica Volume 8

Epigraphia Indica Volume 27

Epigraphia Indica Volume 29

Epigraphia Indica Volume 30

Epigraphia Indica Volume 31

Epigraphia Indica Volume 32

Paramaras Volume 7, Part 2

Śilāhāras Volume 6, Part 2

Vākāṭakas Volume 5

Early Gupta Inscriptions

Archaeological Links

Archaeological-Survey of India

Pudukkottai

EPIGRAPHIA INDICA

assigned to it by Bühler in the expression hetuvatâ-châ viyaṁjanate-cha (rock edict III.), ‘ both according to the letter and according to the spirit.’ The sense attached to it by M. Senart in the Rûpnâth edict is evidently the one to be applied here also. The Sârnâth inscription, moreover, places it beyond doubt that M. Senart’s reading of the corresponding passage in that edict is correct.[1] The original meaning of vyañjana is ‘ manifestation,’ from which that of ‘ a royal proclamation ’ can be easily derived. In connection with the Rûpnâth legend this interpretation seems to me preferable to that suggested above by Dr. Bloch.

Vivâsayâtha is the 2nd Plur. Imper. of vivâseti. Compare vivasetavaya in the Rûpnâth edict, which M. Senart[2] translates :─ ‘ il vous faut partir en mission.’ But as in the Sârnâth inscription apparently no reference is made to missionary duties, I feel inclined to assign to it a more ‘ to conduct oneself,’ a meaning which could be derived from that of ‘ to spend one’s time ’ attached to Skr. vivasati. That, in any case, vivâsayâtha, though a causative in form, can hardly have a causative meaning, appears from the following vivâsâpayâthâ (l. 11), the 2nd Pers. Plur. Imper. of a verb vivâsâpeti which can be nothing but a causative of vivâseti. This prevents me from accepting the interpretation suggested by Dr. Bloch.

L. 11, koṭa-visavesu.─ Prof. Kern agrees with me in explaining visavesu as the equivalent of Skr. vishayêshu and quotes the following parallel cases : ussâva = avaśyâya ; pavachchhati, v. l. pavechchhati=prayachchhati ; tâvatiṁsa = trayastriṁśa ; kulâvaka = kulâyaka ; kâsâva = kâshâya. In the Aśôka inscriptions we have âvuti (pillar edict IV.) = Skr. âyukti, and the terminations of the 3rd Pers. Sing. and Plur. Opt. ºva (Skr. ºyât) and ºvu (Skr. ºyur), e.g. pâpova (pillar edict IV.) =Skr. prâpnuyât.

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It is more difficult to explain koṭa. Prof. Kern proposes to render the compound either by ‘ territory belonging to the resort of a capital ’ or by ‘ rural district,’ as in Tamil kôṭṭam has the meaning of ‘ an agricultural town or village.’ I have translated it as a dvandva compound. That kôta, ‘ a fort,’ can be used to designate a fortified city, is evident from place-names like Nagar-kôṭ (i.e. Kâṅgṛâ city) and Paṭhân-kôṭ (for Pratishṭhâna-kôṭa).

e, f. ─ Additional inscriptions on the Aśôka pillar.

Besides the Aśôka edict, the Sârnâth pillar contains two records of a later date, each consisting of only one line. The older of the two (i.e) is incised partly beneath the Aśôka inscription, continuing, as it were, its last short line. Though the engraving of the letters, which measure from 1 to 7 cm., is inferior to that of the principal record, there can be little doubt about the reading, with the exception of the first word which is partly destroyed. The length of the line, as far as preserved, is exactly 1 m. I read it as follows :[3]

. . . . . rpârigeyhe rajña Aśvaghoshasya chatariśe savachhare hematapakhe prathame divase dasame.

“ [In the fortunate reign] of Râjan Aśvaghôsha, in the fortieth year, in the first fortnight of winter, on the tenth day.”

It will be seen that the sign for anusvâra is omitted throughout (read : chatariṁśe, saṁvachhare, hemaṁtapakhe), and that the long â of râjña and chatâri[]śe is not indicated, unless the very slight extension to the proper left of the top of r and l is meant to serve that purpose. It is probable that at the beginning there was some expression equivalent to the vardhamâna-kalyâṇa-vijaya-râjyê of later inscriptions.[4]
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[1] See Senart, Les Inscriptions de Piyadasi (Paris, 1886), Vol. II. pp. 169 ff. and 193 f.
[2] Ibid. p. 182 ff.
[3] The beginning of this inscription is shown on the Plate containing the Aśôka edict, and the continuation of i on the second Plate of Sârnâth inscriptions. The first letter of Aśvaghoshasya appears on both Plates.─ E. H.]
[4] For geyha see Prof. Pischel’s Grammatik der Prâkrit-Sprachen, § 572.

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