The Indian Analyst
 

South Indian Inscriptions

 

 

Contents

Introduction

Preface

Contents

List of Plates

Abbreviations

Corrigenda

Images

Introduction

The Discovery of the Vakatakas

Vakataka Chronology

The Home of The Vakatakas

Early Rulers

The Main Branch

The Vatsagulma Branch

Administration

Religion

Society

Literature

Architecture, Sculpture and Painting

Texts And Translations  

Inscriptions of The Main Branch

Inscriptions of The Feudatories of The Main Branch

Inscriptions of The Vatsagulma Branch

Inscriptions of The Ministers And Feudatories of The Vatsagulma Branch

Index

Other South-Indian Inscriptions 

Volume 1

Volume 2

Volume 3

Vol. 4 - 8

Volume 9

Volume 10

Volume 11

Volume 12

Volume 13

Volume 14

Volume 15

Volume 16

Volume 17

Volume 18

Volume 19

Volume 20

Volume 22
Part 1

Volume 22
Part 2

Volume 23

Volume 24

Volume 26

Volume 27

Tiruvarur

Darasuram

Konerirajapuram

Tanjavur

Annual Reports 1935-1944

Annual Reports 1945- 1947

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 2, Part 2

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 7, Part 3

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 1

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 2

Epigraphica Indica

Epigraphia Indica Volume 3

Epigraphia
Indica Volume 4

Epigraphia Indica Volume 6

Epigraphia Indica Volume 7

Epigraphia Indica Volume 8

Epigraphia Indica Volume 27

Epigraphia Indica Volume 29

Epigraphia Indica Volume 30

Epigraphia Indica Volume 31

Epigraphia Indica Volume 32

Paramaras Volume 7, Part 2

Śilāhāras Volume 6, Part 2

Vākāṭakas Volume 5

Early Gupta Inscriptions

Archaeological Links

Archaeological-Survey of India

Pudukkottai

INSCRIPTIONS OF THE MINISTERS AND FEUDATORIES OF THE
VATSAGULMA BRANCH

 

by a hook open to the left. The new estampage supplied by the Government Epigraphist does not show even this loop. The preceding akshara ru is of course completely gone as admitted by both Bhagvanlal and Bühler. The reading Rudrasēna in verse 7 is therefore extremely doubtful.

...The Bāsim plates name Sarvasēna as the son and successor of the Vākāṭaka Pravarasēna I who performed four Aśvamēdhas and other sacrifices. It may therefore be suggested that the name lost here is Sarvasēna. The reading Sarvasēnaḥ would suit the metre as well as Rudrasēnaḥ. The latter part of the verse would therefore be Sarvasēnaḥ Pravarasēnasya jita sarvvasēnas-sutō-bhavat. The resulting yamaka would make this reading quite plausible. The poet who composed this inscription was found of using yamakas based on proper names as will be seen from the following :-

... The inscription falls into two parts. The first part comprising the first twenty verses gives the genealogy of the reigning king Harishēṇa and incidentally names and eulogises Hastibhōja and his son (Varāhadēva) who as ministers served the Vākāṭaka kings Dēvasēna and Harishēṇa. The second part describes the cave-dwelling containing a Buddhist temple (chaitya-mandiram) and an excellent hall (maṇḍapa-ratnam) excavated by Varāhadēva which he dedicated to the Buddhist Saṅgha for the religious merit of his father and mother.

Line 2−abhivṛiddha-śaktiḥ . . . . dāna-śaktiḥ . . . . Vindhyaśaktiḥ.
7−Pravarasēnas == tasya putro ==bhūt == pravar-orjjit-ōdāra-śāsana-pravaraḥ
10 –11−Hastibhōjaḥ . . . . dig-gandhahasti-pratimō babhūva.
14−Harishēṇo hari-vikkrama-pratāpaḥ.

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... The description jita-sarvva-sēnaḥ of this prince was evidently suggested by his name Sarvasēna1. We may therefore take it as almost certain that Pravarasēna I was succeeded by his son Sarvasena.

... Bhagvanlal did not notice any royal name in the next verse, but Bühler thought that he could read in the middle of line 7 the aksharas pra(or pṛi) thivī which showed a name like Pṛithivīshēṇa2. As he had adopted Bhagvanlal’s reading Rudrasēnaḥ in the preceding verse, he identified this Pṛithivīshēṇa with Pṛithivīshēṇa I, whom several land-grants mention as the son and successor of Rudrasēna I. We have seen, however, that verse 7 probably mentions the name of Sarvasēna, not of Rudrasēna. Besides, the reading Pṛithivīshēṇaḥ noticed by Bühler is equally uncertain. The akshara which he read as thi has a tapering top and is open below. It cannot therefore be read as thi ; for in all cases in this inscription, th has invariably a round top and is closed at the bottom ; see e.g. prathitō in line 15 and prathita- guṇ-opabhōga in line 21. The akshara appears to be śrī, of which the lower curve representing r is indistinct. The following akshara is clearly viṁ. It is followed by clear traces of dhya. Especially the elongated curve representing the subscript y is unmistakable. The two following aksharas are almost certainly sēnaḥ3. The name thus appears to be śrī-Vindhyasēna. The initial word sat-putraḥ in that verse, which has not been noticed before, shows that Vindhyasēna was the son of the preceding king Sarvasēna4. The Bāsim plates mention Vindhyaśakti (II) as the son and successor of Sarvasēna. Vindhyaśakti and Vindhyasēna are plainly identical. The Bāsim plates thus corroborate the reading śrī-Vindhyasēnaḥ in verse 8. The second half of the verse which is very badly mutilated indicates that he won a victory over the lord of Kuntala.

... The next verse (9) was read by Bhagvanlal as Pravarasēnasya putrō =bhūt etc. He therefore thought that it described another son of Pravarasēna I. The correct reading Pravarasēnas =tasya putro = bhut was first given by Bühler. It show that Pravarasēna (II) was the next king. Bühler identified this Pravarsēna (whom he took to be the son and
___________________

1 Otherwise, there is no special point in saying that he conquered all armies. One would rather expect an expression like jita-sarvva-lōkaḥ or jita-sarvva-rājaḥ.
2 A.S.W.I., No. 4, p. 125, n. 1.
3 They were doubtfully read as shēṇaḥ by Bühler.
4 Bühler conjecturally supplied tanayas = tasya, but there is no space for so many aksharas before pārthiv-ēndrasya in line 7 and reading does not suit the metre.

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