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The Indian Analyst
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North Indian Inscriptions |
INSCRIPTIONS OF THE PARAMARAS OF VAGADA calculates Chāmuṇḍarāja’s reign from c. 1070 to c. 1100 A.C.,[1] but in view of what we have stated here, this king appears to have come to the throne a little later than 1070 A.C. and not much earlier than the date when the present record was inscribed. ... Here we may also examine the observations made by Barnett in connection with the building of the temple. Referring to v. 67 of the inscription, which records a prayer for the continuance of the glory of Maṇḍanadēva, and also to v. 70, according to which the king also esta- blished certain imposts for the benefit of the temple, Barnett concluded that “this temple was a new structure taking the place of an older structure to which his father Maṇḍana had previously granted an endowment”.[2] But the inscription is altogether silent on this point, which, if really it was the cases, should have been stated in it. The first of the points noted by Barnett as the basis of his view, goes to show that it is quite natural for a son to record a prayer for the continuance of the glory of his father, for the expression used here is Maṇḍana-kīrtanaṁ, meaning the structure raised to perpetuate the glory of Maṇḍana. There is, similarly, another expression, viz., Maṇḍanēśasya, which too should be taken in the figurative sense. And in the light of all this, and from the way in which the inscription says all about the temple, we have to interpret the word Śrī-Maṇḍalēśa in v. 66, in the sense of “the ornament of the goddess of wealth and not as giving a proper name, as it is used poetically. Chāmuṇḍarāja is introduced in v. 46; and all the following verses naturally refer to him and not to any other ruler. And accordingly. P. Bhatia’s suggestion that the intervening verses 57-60 of the inscription refer to Maṇḍalīka and not to Chāmuṇḍarāja[3] cannot be upheld, since it would be an unusual procedure not known to the Sanskrit poets.
... Of the geographical names mentioned in the inscription, Arbuda (1. 2), Karṇāṭa Narmadā and Mālava (11. 12-13) are all well known. Utthapaṇaka which appears to be the same as Utthūṇaka, which is mentioned in 1. 23 in the Arthūṇā inscription of Vijayarāja,[4] may have been Arthūṇā itself. However, here I may hazard a conjecture, viz., that Utthapaṇaka may have been a compound name with uttha and paṇaka as its components, the first of which represents Arthūṇā and the second, Pānāhēḍā, which are the two places where all the inscriptions of this branch of kings were found.[5] The maṇḍala mentioned as Vyāghradōraka in 1. 49, has already been identified with Bāgiḍōrā; and I assume this to be the original name of the province of Vāgaḍa, through the intermediate stages of Vāghadōra and Vāghōḍa, later changed to Vāgaḍa. From 1. 49 we know that the dēśa in which Arthūṇā was situated was then known as Ardhāshṭama-śata, which means seven hundred and fifty, as aḍhatiyāni in the Minor Rock Inscription of Aśōka denotes two and a half.[6]
TEXT[7]
[1]
H.P.D., p. 343.
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