The Indian Analyst
 

North Indian Inscriptions

 

 

Contents

Introduction

Preface

Contents

List of Maps and Plates

Abbreviations

Additions and Corrections

Images

Introduction

Political History

The Early Silaharas

The Silaharas of North Konkan

The Silaharas of South Konkan

The Silaharas of Kolhapur

Administration

Religious Condition

Social Condition

Economic Condition

Literature

Architecture and Sculpture

Texts And Translations  

Inscriptions of the Silaharas of North Konkan

Inscriptions of The Silaharas of South Konkan

Inscriptions of The Silaharas of kolhapur

APPENDIX I  

Additional Inscriptions of the Silaharas

APPENDIX II  

A contemporary Yadava Inscription

Index

Other South-Indian Inscriptions 

Volume 1

Volume 2

Volume 3

Vol. 4 - 8

Volume 9

Volume 10

Volume 11

Volume 12

Volume 13

Volume 14

Volume 15

Volume 16

Volume 17

Volume 18

Volume 19

Volume 20

Volume 22
Part 1

Volume 22
Part 2

Volume 23

Volume 24

Volume 26

Volume 27

Tiruvarur

Darasuram

Konerirajapuram

Tanjavur

Annual Reports 1935-1944

Annual Reports 1945- 1947

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 2, Part 2

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 7, Part 3

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 1

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 2

Epigraphica Indica

Epigraphia Indica Volume 3

Epigraphia
Indica Volume 4

Epigraphia Indica Volume 6

Epigraphia Indica Volume 7

Epigraphia Indica Volume 8

Epigraphia Indica Volume 27

Epigraphia Indica Volume 29

Epigraphia Indica Volume 30

Epigraphia Indica Volume 31

Epigraphia Indica Volume 32

Paramaras Volume 7, Part 2

Śilāhāras Volume 6, Part 2

Vākāṭakas Volume 5

Early Gupta Inscriptions

Archaeological Links

Archaeological-Survey of India

Pudukkottai

ADMINISTRATION

 

a Committee was called Mahattama. In Kananḍa inscriptions he is called Prabhu (Mayor[1]). Local religious institutions were also represented on such Committees. One record mentions Pañcha-maṭha-mahāsthāna,[2] which was probably so called because the five maṭhas comprised in it were dedicated to five Hindu deities (viz. Brahmā, Vishṇu, Śiva, Sūrya and Dēvī) or to five prominent religious sects such as those of Brahmā, Vishṇu, Śiva, Buddha and Jina. These Town and Village Committees could make grants of land with the consent of the local gāvuṇḍas or officers and the administrative heads.

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.. Sources of Revenue− There were various sources of revenue to meet the expenditure of the State. The main source was, of course, the land-tax, called siddhāya in many Śilāhāra inscriptions.[3] In some records it is called bhūmi-dēṇaka.[4] It was usually one sixth of the produce. According to the Bṛihaspati-smṛiti cited by Aparārka,[5] a Brāhmaṇa who himself tills his field should pay one sixth of the produce to the king, one twentieth to (the temples of ) gods in the locality, and thirtieth to the Brāhmaṇas; but whether this rule was observed in practice is not known. The land-revenue was paid partly in cash (in drammas) and partly in grains (especially in the case of rice-fields), as appears from Śilāhāra inscriptions.[6] Another source was the house-tax (called gṛiha-dēṇaka[7] in some inscriptions). Income was also derived from levies on commodities displayed for sale in the markets. Fines levied for various offences were another fruitful source of income. In some records the fines levied for ten offences[8] are mentioned as transferred to the donees of land-grants. These are probably identical with the ten sins enumerated in the Śukranītisāra,[9] viz., murder, theft, adultery, slander, harsh language, lying, divulgence of secrets, evil design, atheism and perverseness. Some Śilāhāra inscriptions specially mention kumārīsāhasa (crime against an unmarried girl) as an instance of it.[10] These fines for offences were determined by a committee of sixteen members. It was known as Smārikā,[11] probably because it called attention to the relevant rules in the Smṛitis. Some other sources of income were treasure-troves[12] and escheat to the crown of the property of a person who dies without leaving a son behind.[13] The Yājñavalkya-Smṛiti[14]allows the widow of a person who dies without leaving a son, to succeed to his property. There are also other persons named as heirs such as his daughter, parents and other relatives who were regarded as heirs to the property in such cases.[15] So it does not appear that the property of all persons dying sonless escheated to the king. The term aputra used in such contexts must, therefore, be taken to mean ‘an heirless person’[16] . Some other sources of revenue were the tributes from feudatory princes, income derived from mines, forests etc.
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[1] No. 52, line 45.
[2] No. 42, line 35.
[3] No. 14, lines 77, 80 etc.
[4] No. 21, line 14.
[5] Aparārka, p. 936.
[6] No. 14, line 107 f.
[7] No. 26, line 5
[8] No. 5, line 65.
[9] Adhyāya III, v. 6.
[10] No. 5, line 66.
[11] No. 16, line 15.
[12] No. 5, line 66.
[13] Loc. cit.
[14] Adhyāya II, v. 136.
[15] Loc. cit.
[16] A.K. Majumdar, drawing attention to the Śākuntala, Act V, thinks that the properly of a person dying without a son, did escheat to the king not withstanding the rules in the Smṛitis. He thinks that in Gujarāt Kumārapāla gave this right to the heirs of a person owing to the influence of Hēmachandra, who

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