The Indian Analyst
 

North Indian Inscriptions

 

 

Contents

Introduction

Preface

Contents

List of Maps and Plates

Abbreviations

Additions and Corrections

Images

Introduction

Political History

The Early Silaharas

The Silaharas of North Konkan

The Silaharas of South Konkan

The Silaharas of Kolhapur

Administration

Religious Condition

Social Condition

Economic Condition

Literature

Architecture and Sculpture

Texts And Translations  

Inscriptions of the Silaharas of North Konkan

Inscriptions of The Silaharas of South Konkan

Inscriptions of The Silaharas of kolhapur

APPENDIX I  

Additional Inscriptions of the Silaharas

APPENDIX II  

A contemporary Yadava Inscription

Index

Other South-Indian Inscriptions 

Volume 1

Volume 2

Volume 3

Vol. 4 - 8

Volume 9

Volume 10

Volume 11

Volume 12

Volume 13

Volume 14

Volume 15

Volume 16

Volume 17

Volume 18

Volume 19

Volume 20

Volume 22
Part 1

Volume 22
Part 2

Volume 23

Volume 24

Volume 26

Volume 27

Tiruvarur

Darasuram

Konerirajapuram

Tanjavur

Annual Reports 1935-1944

Annual Reports 1945- 1947

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 2, Part 2

Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum Volume 7, Part 3

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 1

Kalachuri-Chedi Era Part 2

Epigraphica Indica

Epigraphia Indica Volume 3

Epigraphia
Indica Volume 4

Epigraphia Indica Volume 6

Epigraphia Indica Volume 7

Epigraphia Indica Volume 8

Epigraphia Indica Volume 27

Epigraphia Indica Volume 29

Epigraphia Indica Volume 30

Epigraphia Indica Volume 31

Epigraphia Indica Volume 32

Paramaras Volume 7, Part 2

Śilāhāras Volume 6, Part 2

Vākāṭakas Volume 5

Early Gupta Inscriptions

Archaeological Links

Archaeological-Survey of India

Pudukkottai

LITERATURE

 

Moreover, a contemporary record says that there dwelt with him all the three, viz., Śrī or the goddess of fortune, Sarasvatī or the goddess of learning, and Kīrti or the goddess of fame.[1] This description resembles that in the last verse of the Aparārka-Ṭīkā. Again, we learn from the Śrīkaṇṭhacharita of Maṅkha that Tējakaṇṭha, an ambassador of Aparāditya, the lord of Kōṅkaṇa, visited the court of Jayasiṁha, king of Kāshmīr (circa A.D. 1128-1150).[2] This Aparādityā was evidently the first king of that name ruling in North Koṅkaṇ ; for he was a contemporary of Jayasiṁha of Kāshmīr. Finally, Dr. Kane has shown that the Smṛitichandrikā, composed about A.D. 1200, refers to and criticises a view of Aparārka.[3] So this commentary could not have been the work of Aparāditya II, who flourished in the last quarter of the twelfth century A.D. as this identification does not leave sufficient time for the work being so well-known as to attract the attention of dharmaśāstra writers in far-off places. Aparārka I was, therefore, the author of this famous commentary on the Yājñavalkya-Smṛiti, and its date lies in the first half of the twelfth century A.D.

.. Though the work of Aparārka is called a commentary in one of the initial verses,[4] it is really speaking not a commentary in the usual sense of the word; for it does not confine itself to an explanation of the original smṛiti. It is really a nibandha or digest as stated in the last verse of the work cited above;[5] for it takes into account all that had been written before and reconciles the conflicting statements of the previous Dharmaśāstra-writers. In its discussion it cites passages form as many as 168 works, including the śrutis (Vedic texts), gṛihya- and dharmasūtras, metrical smṛitis and as many as twenty-one Purāṇas. Among the Smṛitikāras cited , some are called Laghu (e.g. Laghu Yama and Laghu Vishṇu) and some others Vṛiddha (e.g. Vṛiddha Gārgya, Vṛiddha Gautama and Vṛiddha Parāśara). As the date of Aparārka is fixed within narrow limits, these citations prove useful in fixing the lower limits for the dates of several Smṛitis and Purāṇas.

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..As stated before, Aparārka not only explains the text of the Yājñavalkya-Smṛiti but also states and discusses several controversial views of earlier writers on Dharmaśāstra, and reconciles them wherever possible. A vast material on Dharmaśāstra had accumulated by the time of Aparāditya I. Several writers had propounded conflicting views about various matters of living interest to orthodox people. There was, therefore, considerable confusion in their minds about the right course of conduct to be followed. The Aparārka-Ṭikā has tried to reconcile these views by showing that some of them applied to a by-gone age and are not valid for the prevailing Kali Age. Some other views are sought to be reconciled by showing that they refer to different circumstances. In some other cases Aparārka states the different views and leaves it to the people to follow whichever of them appears preferable. For instance, Yājñavalkya (I, 168) allows the Brāhmaṇas to take food from certain classes of the Śūdras. As in the time of Aparārka the caste system had become rigid, he, after citing several conflicting passages from Dharmaśāstras, states as his opinion that Yājñavalkya’s dictum refers to the of distress when no other food is available.[6] Again, Yājkñavalkya allows the widow of a person who dies sonless to inherit his property. This was in conflict with the views of earlier Smṛitikāras like Manu, who did not recognise a woman’s right to succession. Aparārka discusses this question at some length and ultimately states that the view of the earlier
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[1] No. 23, line 37.
[2] Śrīkaṇṭhacharita, canto 25, vv. 109-110.
[3] H.D., Vol. I (first ed.), p. 334.
[4] See जीमूतान्वयभूषणं स विपुलां योगीश्वरेणोदिते
शास्त्रे वाक्यानयानुगां वितनुते व्याख्यां सतां संमताम् ॥
[5] See शौयौ दार्ययशोधनोऽमुमपरादित्यो निबन्धं व्यधात् ॥
[6] See एवं सति यः शूद्रान्नभोजनानुग्रहः स आपद्विषय एव ज्ञेयः। Aparaka, I, p. 24.

 

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